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Dio's Rome, Vol VI.

Cassius Dio

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Title: Dio's Rome, Vol VI.

An Historical Narrative Originally Composed In Greek During The

Reigns Of Septimius Severus, Geta And Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus

And Alexander Severus

Author: Cassius Dio

Release Date: April 16, 2004 [EBook #12061]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

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DIO'S ROME

HISTORICAL NARRATIVE

ORIGINALLY COMPOSED IN GREEK

DURING THE REIGNS OF

SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, GETA

AND CARACALLA, MACRINUS,

ELAGABALUS AND ALEXANDER SEVERUS:

AND

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NOW PRESENTED IN ENGLISH FORM

HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER,

A.B. (Harvard), Ph.D. (Johns Hopkins),

Acting Professor of Greek in Lehigh University

SIXTH VOLUME

I. Books 77-80 (A.D. 211-229).

II. Fragments of Books 1-21 (Melber's Arrangement).

III. Glossary of Latin Terms.

IV. General Index.

1905

PAFRAETS BOOK COMPANY

TROY NEW YORK

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY

Antoninus begins his reign by having various persons assassinated,

among them his brother Geta (chapters 1-3).

Cruelty of Antoninus toward Papinianus, Cilo, and others (chapters

4-6).

Antoninus as emulator of Alexander of Macedon (chapters 7, 8).

His levies and extravagance (chapters 9-11).

His treachery toward Abgarus of Osrhoene, toward the Armenian king,

the Parthian king, and the Germans (chapters 12, 13).

The Cenni conquer Antoninus in battle (chapter 14).

ads:

He strives to drive out his disease of mind by consulting spirits and

oracles (chapter 15).

Slaughter of vestals, insults to the senate, demise of others contrary

to his mother's wishes (chapters 16-18).

Antoninus's Parthian war (chapters 19-21).

Massacres of Alexandrians caused by Antoninus (chapters 22-24).

DURATION OF TIME.

Q. Epidius Rufus Lollianus Gentianus, Pomponius Bassus (A.D. 211 = a.

u. 964 = First of Antoninus, from Feb. 4th).

C. Iulius Asper (II), C. Iulius Asper. (A.D. 212 = a.u. 965 = Second

of Antoninus.)

Antoninus Aug. (IV), D. Coelius Balbinus (II). (A.D. 213 = a.u. 966 =

Third of Antoninus.)

Silius Messala, Sabinus. (A.D. 214 = a.u. 967 = Fourth of Antoninus.)

Laetus (II), Cerealis. (A.D. 215 = a.u. 968 = Fifth of Antoninus.)

C. Attius Sabinus (II), Cornelius Annullinus. (A.D. 216 = a.u. 969 =

Sixth of Antoninus.)

(_BOOK 78, BOISSEVAIN_.)

[Sidenote: A.D. 211 (_a.u._ 964)] [Sidenote:--1--] After this Antoninus

secured the entire power. Nominally he ruled with his brother, but in

reality alone and at once. With the enemy he came to terms, withdrew

from their country, and abandoned the forts. But his own people he

either dismissed (as Papinianus the prefect) or else killed (as Euodus,

his nurse, Castor, and his wife Plautilla, and the latter's brother

Plautius). In Rome itself he also executed a man who was renowned for no

other reason than his profession, which made him very conspicuous. This

was Euprepes, the charioteer; he killed him when the man dared to show

enthusiasm for a cause that the emperor opposed. So Euprepes died in

old age after having been crowned in an endless number of horse-races.

He had won seven hundred and eighty-two of them,--a record equaled by

none other.

Antoninus had first had the desire to murder his brother while his

father was still alive, but had been unable to do so at that time

because of Severus, or later, on the road, because of the legions. The

men felt very kindly toward the younger son, especially because in

appearance he was the very image of his father. But when Antoninus

arrived in Rome, he got rid of this rival also. The two pretended to

love and commend each other, but their actions proved quite the reverse

to be true, and anybody could see that some catastrophe would result

from their relations. This fact was recognized even prior to their

reaching Rome. When it had been voted by the senate to sacrifice in

behalf of their harmony both to the other gods and to Harmony herself,

the assistants made ready a victim to be sacrificed to Harmony and the

consul arrived to do the slaughtering; yet he could not find them, nor

could the assistants find the consul. They spent nearly the whole night

looking for each other, so that the sacrifice could not be performed on

that occasion. The next day two wolves climbed the Capitol, but were

chased away from that region: one of them was next encountered somewhere

in the Forum, and the other was later slain outside the pomerium. This

is the story about those two animals.

[Sidenote:--2---] It was Antoninus's wish to murder his brother at the

Saturnalia, but he was not able to carry out his intention. The danger

had already grown too evident to be concealed. As a consequence, there

were many violent meetings between the two,--both feeling that they were

being plotted against,--and many precautionary measures were taken on

both sides. As many soldiers and athletes, abroad and at home, day and

night, were guarding Geta, Antoninus persuaded his mother to send for

him and his brother and have them come along to her house with a view to

being reconciled. Geta without distrust went in with him. When they were

well inside, some centurions suborned by Antoninus rushed in a body.

Geta on seeing them had run to his mother, and as he hung upon her neck

and clung to her bosom and breasts he was cut down, bewailing his fate

and crying out: "Mother that bore me, mother that bore me, help! I am

slain!!"

[Sidenote: A.D. 212 (_a.u._ 965)] Tricked in this way, she beheld her son

perishing by most unholy violence in her very lap, and, as it were,

received his death into her womb whence she had borne him. She was all

covered with blood, so that she made no account of the wound she had

received in her hand. She might neither mourn nor weep for her son,

although, untimely he had met so miserable an end (he was only

twenty-two years and nine months old): on the contrary, she was

compelled to rejoice and laugh as though enjoying some great piece of

luck. All her words, gestures, and changes of color were watched with

the utmost narrowness. She alone, Augusta, wife of the emperor, mother

of emperors, was not permitted to shed tears even in private over so

great a calamity.

[Sidenote:--3--] Antoninus, although it was evening, took possession of

the legions after bawling all the way along the road that he had been

the object of a plot and was in danger. On entering the fortifications,

he exclaimed: "Rejoice, fellow-soldiers, for now I have a chance to

benefit you!" Before they heard the whole story he had stopped their

mouths with so many and so great promises that they could neither think

nor speak anything decent. "I am one of you," he said, "it is on your

account alone that I care to live, that so I may afford you much

happiness. All the treasuries are yours." Indeed, he said this also: "I

pray if possible to live with you, but if not, at any rate to die with

you. I do not fear death in any form, and it is my desire to end my days

in warfare. There should a man die, or nowhere!"

To the senate on the following day he made various remarks and after

rising from his seat he went towards the door and said: "Listen to a

great announcement from me. That the whole world may be glad, let all

the exiles, who have been condemned on any complaint whatever in any way

whatever, be restored to full rights." Thus did he empty the islands of

exiles and grant pardon to the worst condemned criminals, but before

long he had the isles full again.

[Sidenote:--4--] The Caesarians and the soldiers that had been with Geta

were suddenly put to death to the number of twenty thousand, men and

women alike, wherever in the palace any of them happened to be.

Antoninus slew also various distinguished men, among them Papinianus.

¶While the Pretorians accused Papianus (_sic_) and Patruinus

[Footnote: This is Valerius Patruinus.] for certain actions,

Antoninus allowed the complainants to kill them, and added the

following remark: "I hold sway for your advantage and not for my

own; therefore, I defer to you both as accusers and as judges."

He rebuked the murderer of Papinianus for using an axe instead of a

sword to give the finishing stroke.

He had also desired to deprive of life Cilo, his nurse and benefactor,

who had served as prefect of the city during his father's reign, whom he

had also often called father. The soldiers sent against him plundered

his silver plate, his robes, his money, and everything else that

belonged to him. Cilo himself they conducted along the Sacred Way,

making the palace their destination, where they prepared to give him his

quietus. He had low slippers [Footnote: Reading [Greek: blahytast] in the

place of the MS. [Greek: chlhapast]. This emendation is favored by Cobet

(Mnemosyne, N.S., X, p. 211) and Naber (Mnemosyne, N.S., XVI, p. 113).]

on his feet, since he had chanced to be in the bath when apprehended,

and wore an abbreviated tunic. The men rent his clothing open and

disfigured his face, so that the people and the soldiers stationed in

the city made clamorous objections. Therefore Antoninus, out of respect

and fear for them, met the party, and, shielding Cilo with his cavalry

cloak,--he was wearing military garb,--cried out: "Insult not my father!

Strike not my nurse!" The tribune charged with slaying him and the

soldiers in his contingent lost their lives, nominally for making plots

but really for not having killed their victim.

[Sidenote:--5--] [But Antoninus was so anxious to appear to love Cilo

that he declared: "Those who have plotted against him have plotted

against me." Commended for this by the bystanders, he proceeded: "Call

me neither Hercules nor the name of any other god;" not that he was

unwilling to be termed a god, but because he wished to do nothing worthy

of a god. He was naturally capricious in all matters, and would bestow

great honors upon people and then suddenly disgrace them, quite without

reason. He would save those who least deserved it and punish those whom

one would never have expected.

Julianus Asper was a man by no means contemptible, on account of his

education and good sense as well. He exalted him, together with his

sons, and after Asper had walked the streets surrounded by I don't know

how many fasces he without warning insulted him outrageously and

dismissed him to his native place [Footnote: I.e., Tusculum.] with abuse

and in mighty trepidation. Laetus, too, he would have disgraced or even

killed, had this man not been extremely sick. So the emperor before the

soldiers called his sickness "wicked," because it did not allow him to

display wickedness in one more case.

Again he made way with Thrasea Priscus, a person second to none in

family or intelligence.

Many others also, previously friends of his, he put to death.]

[Sidenote:--6--]

"Nay, I could not recite nor give the names all over"

[Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, II, verse 488.] of the distinguished men

whom he killed without any right. Dio, because the slain were very well

known in those days, even makes a list of them. For me it suffices to

say that he crushed the life out of everybody he chose, without

exception,

"whether the man was guilty or whether he was not ";

[Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, XV, verse 137.] and that he simply

mutilated Rome, by rendering it bereft of excellent men. [Antoninus was

allied to three races. And he possessed not a single one of their good

points, but included in himself all their vices. The lightness, the

cowardice, and recklessness of Gaul were his, the roughness and cruelty

of Africa, the abominations of Syria (whence he was on his mother's

side).] Veering from slaughter to sports, he pursued his murderous

course no less in the latter. Of course one would pay no attention to

an elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, and hippotigris being killed in the

theatre, but he took equal pleasure in having gladiators shed the

greatest amount of one another's blood. One of them, Bato, he forced

to fight three successive men on the same day, and then, when Bato

met death at the hands of the last, he honored him with a conspicuous

burial.

[Sidenote:--7--] He had Alexander on the brain to such an extent that he

used certain weapons and cups which purported to have belonged to the

great conqueror, and furthermore he set up many representations of him

both among the legions and in Rome itself. He organized a phalanx,

sixteen thousand men, of Macedonians alone, named it "Alexander's

phalanx," and equipped it with the arms which warriors had used in his

day. These were: a helmet of raw oxhide, a three-ply linen breastplate,

a bronze shield, long pike, short spear, high boots, sword. Not even

this, however, satisfied him, but he called his hero "The Eastern

Augustus." Once he wrote to the senate that Alexander had come on earth

again in, the body of the Augustus, [Footnote: Antoninus meant

himself.] so that when he had finished his own brief existence he might

enjoy a larger life in the emperor's person. The so-called Aristotelian

philosophers he hated bitterly, wishing even to burn their books, and he

abolished the common messes they had in Alexandria and all the other

privileges they enjoyed: his grievance, as stated, was the tradition

that Aristotle had been an accomplice in the death of Alexander.

This was the way he behaved in those matters. And, by Jupiter, he took

around with him numbers of elephants, that in this respect, too, he

might seem to be imitating Alexander, or rather, perhaps, Dionysus.

[Sidenote:--8--] On Alexander's account he was fond of all the

Macedonians. Once after praising a Macedonian tribune because the latter

had shown agility in jumping upon his horse, he enquired of him first:

"From what country are you?" Then, learning that he was a Macedonian, he

pursued: "What is your name?" Having thereupon heard that it was

Antigonus, he further questioned: "How was your father called?" When

the father's name was found to be Philip, he declared: "I have all my

desire." He straightway bestowed upon him the whole series of exalted

military honors and before a great while appointed him one of the

senators with the rank of an ex-praetor.

There was another man who had no connection with Macedonia, but had

committed many dreadful crimes, and for this reason was tried before him

in an appealed case. His name proved to be Alexander, and when the

orator accusing him said repeatedly "the bloodthirsty Alexander, the

god-detested Alexander," the emperor became angry, as if he were

personally slandered, and spoke out: "If Alexander doesn't suit you, you

may regard yourself as dismissed."

[Sidenote:--9--] Now this great Alexandrophile, Antoninus, [kept many

men about him, alleging reasons after reasons, all fictitious, and wars

upon wars. He had also this most frightful characteristic, that he was

fond of spending money not only upon the soldiers but for all other

projects with one sole end in view,--to] strip, despoil and grind down

all mankind, and the senators by no means least. [In the first place,

there were gold crowns that he kept demanding, on the constant pretext

that he had conquered some enemy or other (I am not speaking about the

actual manufacture of the crowns,--for what does that amount to?--but

the great sums of money constantly being given under that name by the

cities, for the "crowning" (as it is called) of their emperors). Then

there was the provisions which we were all the time levying in great

abundance from all quarters, sometimes seizing them without compensation

and sometimes spending a little something on them: all this supply he

presented or else peddled to the soldiers. And the gifts, which he

demanded from wealthy individuals and from states. And the taxes, both

the new ones which he published and the ten per cent. tax that he

instituted in place of the twenty per cent. to apply to the emancipation

of slaves, to bequests left to any one, and to all gifts; for he

abolished in such cases the right of succession and exemption from taxes

which had been accorded to those closely related to persons deceased.

This accounts for his giving the title of Romans to all the men in his

empire. Nominally it was to honor them, but his real purpose was to get

an increased income by such means, since foreigners did not have to pay

most of those taxes. But aside from all these] we were also compelled to

build at our own expense all sorts of dwellings for him whenever he took

a trip from Rome, and costly lodgings in the middle of even the very

shortest journeys. Yet not only did he never live in them but he had no

idea of so much as looking at a single one. Moreover, without receiving

any appropriation from him we constructed hunting-theatres and

race-courses at every point where he wintered or expected to winter.

They were all torn down without delay and apparently the sole purpose of

their being called into existence was to impoverish us.

[Sidenote:--10--] The emperor himself kept spending the money upon the

soldiers (as we said) and upon beasts and horses. He was forever

killing great collections of wild beasts, of horses, and also of

domestic animals, forcing us to contribute the majority of them, though

now and then he bought a few. One day he slew a hundred boars at once

with his own hands. He raced also in chariots, and then he would wear

the Blue costume. In all undertakings he was exceedingly hot-headed and

exceedingly fickle, and besides this he possessed the rascality of his

mother and of the Syrians, to which race she belonged. He would put up

some kind of freedman or other wealthy person as director of games

merely that in this occupation, too, the man might spend money. From

below he would make gestures of subservience to the audience with his

whip and would beg for gold pieces like one of the lowliest citizens. He

said that he used the same methods of chariot-driving as the Sun god,

and he took pride in the fact. Accordingly, during the whole extent of

his reign the whole earth, so far as it yielded obedience to him, was

plundered. Hence the Romans once at a horse-race uttered this among

other cries: "We are destroying the living in order to bury the dead."

The emperor would often say: "No man need have money but me, and I want

it to bestow it on the soldiers." Once when Julia chided him for his

great outlays upon them and said: "No longer is any resource, either

just or unjust, left to us," he replied, exhibiting his sword: "Cheer

up, mother: for, as long as we have this, money is not going to fail

us."

[Sidenote:--11--] To those who flattered him, however, he distributed

possessions and money.

¶Julius Paulus [Footnote: Undoubtedly a mistake for the _Julius

Paulinus_ subsequently mentioned.] was a man of consular rank,

who was a great chatterer and joker and would not refrain from

aiming his shafts of wit at the very emperors: therefore Severus

had him taken into custody, though without constraints. When he

still continued, even under guard, to make the sovereigns the

objects of his jests, Severus sent for him and swore that he

would cut off his head. But the man replied: "Yes, you can cut it

off, but as long as I have it, neither you nor I can restrain

it," and so Severus laughed and released him.

He granted to Julius Paulinus twenty-five myriads because the man, who

was a jester, had been led, though involuntarily, to make a joke upon

him. Paulinus had said that he actually resembled a man getting angry,

for somehow he was always assuming a fierce expression. [Footnote: None

of the editors, any more than the casual reader, has been able to find

anything of a sidesplitting nature in this joke. The trouble is, of

course, that the utterance sounds like a plain statement of fact.

Caracalla's natural disposition was harsh and irritable. Some have

changed the word "man" to "Pan (in anger)", but without gaining very

much. I offer for what it is worth the suggestion that a well-known

truth, especially in the case of personal characteristics, may sound

very amusing when pronounced in a quizzical or semi-ironical fashion by

a person possessing sufficient _vis comica_. Thus we may conceive

Paulinus, a professional jester, on meeting Antoninus to have blurted

out in a tone of mock surprise: "Why, anybody would really think you are

angry. You look so cross all the time!" There would then be a point in

the jest, but the point would lie not in the words but in the voice and

features of the speaker. Apart from this explanation of the possible

humor of the remark an excerpt of Peter Patricius (Exc. Vat. 143) gives

us to understand that it would be taken as a compliment by Antoninus

from the mouth of a person to whom he was accustomed to accord some

liberties, since Antoninus made a point of maintaining at all times this

character of harshness and abruptness.]--Antoninus made no account of

anything excellent: he never learned anything of the kind, as he himself

admitted. So it was that he showed a contempt for us, who possessed

something approaching education. Severus, to be sure, had trained him in

all pursuits, bar none, that tended to inculcate virtue, whether

physical or mental, so that even after he became emperor he went to

teachers and studied philosophy most of the day. He also took oil

rubbings without water and rode horseback to a distance of seven hundred

and fifty stades. Moreover, he practiced swimming even in rough water.

In consequence of this, Antoninus was, as you might say, strong, but he

paid no heed to culture, since he had never even heard the name of it.

Still, his language was not bad, nor did he lack judgment, but he showed

in almost everything a keen appreciation and talked very readily. For

through his authority and recklessness and his habit of saying right out

without reflection anything at all that occurred to him, and not being

ashamed to air his thoughts, he often stumbled upon some felicitous

expression. [But the same Antoninus made many mistakes through his

headstrong opinions. It was not enough for him to know everything: he

wanted to be the only one who knew anything. It was not enough for him

to have all power: he would be the only one with any power. Hence it

was that he employed no counselor and was jealous of such men as knew

something worth while. He never loved a single person and he hated all

those who excelled in anything; and most did he hate those whom he

affected most to love. Many of these he destroyed in some way or other.

Of course he had many men murdered openly, but others he would send to

provinces not suited to them, fatal to their physical condition, having

an unwholesome climate; thus, while pretending to honor them

excessively, he quietly got rid of them, exposing such as he did not

like to excessive heat or cold. Hence, though he spared some in so far

as not to put them to death, yet he subjected them to such hardships

that the stain [Footnote: This is very likely an incorrect translation of

an incorrect reading. The various editors of Dio have a few substitutes

to propose, but as all the interpretations seem to me extremely

lumbering I have turned the MS. [Greek] chelidoysthai (taken as a

passive) in a way that may be not quite beyond the bounds of

possibility. The noun [Greek] chelhist like the English "stain," often

passes from its original sense of "blemish" to that of the consequent

"disgrace."] of murder still rested on him.

The above describes him in general terms.

[Sidenote: A.D. 213(?)] [Sidenote:--12--] Now we shall state what sort

of person he showed himself in war. [Abgarus, king of the Osrhoeni, when

he had once got control of the kindred tribes, inflicted the most

outrageous treatment upon his superiors. Nominally he was compelling

them to change to Roman customs, but in fact he was making the most of

his authority over them in an unjustifiable way.] He tricked the king of

the Osrhoeni, Abgarus, inducing him to visit him as a friend, and then

arrested and imprisoned him. This left Osrhoene without a ruler and he

subdued it.

The king of the Armenians had a dispute with his own children and

Antoninus summoned him in a friendly letter with the avowed purpose of

making peace between them: he treated these princes in the same fashion

as he had Abgarus. The Armenians, however, instead of yielding to him

had recourse to arms and not one of them thereafter would trust him in

the slightest particular. Thus he was brought by experience to

understand how great the penalty is for an emperor's practicing deceit

toward friends. [The same ruler assumed the utmost credit for the fact

that at the death of Vologaesus, king of the Parthians, his children

proceeded to fight about the sovereignty; what was purely accidental he

pretended had come about through his own connivance. He ever took

vehement delight in the actions and dissensions of the brothers and

generally in the mutual slaughter of foreign potentates.] He did not

hesitate, either, to write to the senate regarding the rulers of the

Parthians (who were brothers and at variance) that the brothers' quarrel

would work great harm to the Parthian state. Just as if barbarian

governments could be destroyed by such procedure and yet the Roman state

had been preserved! Just as if it had not been, on the contrary, almost

utterly overthrown! It was not merely that the great sums of blood money

given under such conditions to the soldiers for his brother's murder

served to demoralize mankind: in addition, vast numbers of citizens had

information laid against them,--not only those who had sent the brother

letters or had brought him presents [Footnote: Reading [Greek:

dorophorhesantest] (Reimar) for the MS. [Greek: doruphoraesantes].] when

he was still Caesar or again after he had become emperor, but all the

rest who had never had any dealings with him. If anybody even so much as

wrote the name of Geta, or spoke it, that was the end of him then and

there. Hence the poets no longer used it even in comedies. [Footnote:

Geta was a common name for slaves in Latin comedy. It came into Rome

through Greek channels and was originally merely the national adjective

applied to a tribe of northern barbarians.] The property, too, of all

those in whose wills the name was found written was confiscated.

[Many of his acts were committed with a view to getting money. And he

exhibited his hatred for his dead brother by abolishing the honor paid

to his birthday, by getting angry at the stones which had supported his

images, and by melting up the coinage that displayed his features. Not

even this sufficed him, but more than ever from this time he began his

practice of unholy rites and often forced others to share his pollution

by making a kind of annual offering to his brother's Manes.]

[Sidenote: A.D. 213 (_a.u._ 966)] [Sidenote:--13--] Though

holding such views and behaving in such a way with regard to the

latter's murder he took delight in the dissension of the

barbarian brothers, on the ground that the Parthians would suffer

some great injury as a result of it.

[The Celtic nations, however, afforded him neither pleasure nor any

pretence of cleverness or courage but proved him to be nothing more nor

less than a cheat, a simpleton, and an arrant coward. Antoninus made a

campaign among the Alamanni and wherever he saw a spot suitable for

habitation he would order: "There let a fort be erected: there let a

city be built." To those spots he applied names relating to himself, yet

the local designations did not get changed; for some of the people were

unaware of the new appellations and others thought he was joking.

Consequently he came to entertain a contempt for them and would not keep

his hands off this tribe even; but, whereas he had been saying that he

had come as an ally, he accorded them treatment to be expected of a most

implacable foe. He called a meeting of their men of military age under

promise that they were to receive pay, and then at a given signal,--his

raising aloft his own shield,--he had them surrounded and cut down; he

also sent cavalry around and arrested all others not present.

¶Antoninus commended in the senate by means of a letter Pandion, a

fellow who had previously been an understudy of charioteers but in the

war against the Alamanni drove his chariot for him and in this capacity

was his comrade and fellow soldier. And he asserted that he had been

saved by this man from a portentous danger and was not ashamed to evince

greater gratitude to him than to the soldiers, whom in their turn he

regarded as our superiors.[Footnote: There is a gap of a word or two

here (Dindorf text), filled by reading [Greek: helen hechon] (with

Boissevain).]

¶Some of the most distinguished men whom Antoninus slew he ordered to be

cast out unburied.

¶He made a search for the tomb of Sulla and repaired it, and reared a

cenotaph to Mesomedes, who had written a compilation of citharoedic

modes. He honored the latter because he was himself learning to sing to

the zither and the former because he was emulating his cruelty.]

Still, in cases of necessity and urgent campaigns, he was simple and

frugal, toiling with painstaking care in menial offices as much as the

rest. He trudged beside the soldiers and ran beside them, not taking a

bath nor changing his clothing, but helping them in every labor and

choosing absolutely the same food as they had. Often he would send to

distinguished champions on the enemy's side and challenge them to single

combat. The details of generalship in which he certainly ought to have

been most versed he managed least well, as if he thought that victory

lay in the performance of those services mentioned and not in this

science of commanding.

[Sidenote:--14--] He conducted war also against a certain Celtic tribe

of Cenni. These warriors are said to have assailed the Romans with the

utmost fierceness, using their mouths to pull from their flesh the

missiles with which the Osrhoeni wounded them, that they might give

their hands no respite in slaughtering the foe. Nevertheless even they,

after selling the name of defeat at a high figure, made an agreement

with him to go into Germany on condition of being spared. Their women

[and those of the Alamanni] all who were captured [would not, in truth,

await a servile doom, but] when Antoninus asked them whether they

desired to be sold or slain, chose the latter alternative. Afterward, as

they were offered for sale, they all killed themselves and some of their

children as well. [Many also of the people dwelling close to the ocean

itself, near the mouth of the Albis, sent envoys to him and asked his

friendship, when their real concern was to get money. For after he had

done as they desired, they would frequently attack him, threatening to

begin a war; and with all such he came to terms. Even though his offer

was contrary to their principles, yet when they saw the gold pieces they

were captivated. To them he gave true gold pieces, but the silver and

gold money with which he provided the Romans was alloyed.] He

manufactured the one of lead with a silver plating and the other of

bronze with a gold plating.

[Sidenote:--15--] [The same ruler published some of his devices

directly, pretending that they were excellent and worthy of

commendation, however base their actual character. Other intentions he

rather unwillingly made known through the very precautions which he took

to conceal them, as, for example, in the case of the money. He plundered

the whole land and the whole sea and left nothing whatever unharmed. The

chants of the enemy made Antoninus frenzied and beside himself, hearing

which some of the Alamanni asserted that they had used charms to put him

out of his mind.] He was sick in body, partly with ordinary and partly

with private diseases, and was sick also in mind, suffering from

distressing visions; and often he thought he was being pursued by his

father and his brother, armed with swords. Therefore he called up

spirits to find some remedy against them, among others the spirit of his

father and of Commodus. But not one would speak a word to him except

Commodus. [Geta, so they say, attended Severus, though unsummoned. Yet

not even he offered any suggestion to relieve the emperor, but on the

contrary terrified him the more.] This is what he said:

"Draw nearer judgment, which the gods demand of thee [Footnote:

Emended (by Fabricius and Reiske) from a corruption in the MS.]

for Severus,"

then something else, and finally--

"having in secret places a disease hard to heal."

[For letting these facts become public many suffered unseemly outrage.

But to Antoninus not one of the gods gave any response pertaining to the

healing of either his body or his mind, although he showered attention

upon all the most distinguished shrines. This showed in the clearest

light that they regarded not his offerings, nor his sacrifices, but only

his purposes and his deeds. He got no aid from Apollo Grannus [Footnote:

Grannus was really a Celtic god, merely identified with Apollo. He was

honored most in Germany and Dacia (also known in Rhaetia, Noricum), and,

inasmuch as many inscriptions bearing his name have been found near the

Danube, it may probably be conjectured that he had a temple of some

importance in that vicinity. For further details see Pauly, II, p. 46;

Roscher, I, col. 1738.] nor Asclepius nor Serapis, in spite of his many

supplications and his unwearying persistence. Even when abroad he sent

to them prayers and sacrifices and votive offerings and many runners

traveled to them daily, carrying things of the sort. He also went

himself, hoping to prevail by appearing in person, and he performed all

the usual practices of devotees, but he obtained nothing that would

contribute to health.

[Sidenote:--16--] While declaring that he was the most scrupulous of all

mankind, he ran to an excess of blood-guiltiness,] killing four of the

vestal virgins, one of whom--so far as he was able--he had forcibly

outraged. For latterly all his sexual power had disappeared, as a result

of which it was reported that he satisfied his vileness in a different

way; and associated with him were others of similar inclinations, who

not only admitted that they were given to such practices but maintained

that they did so for the sake of their ruler's welfare.

A young knight carried a coin with his image into a brothel and people

informed against him.[Footnote: Conjecture, on the basis of Reiske and

Bekker.] For this he was at the time imprisoned to await execution, but

later was released, as the emperor died before he did.] This maiden of

whom I speak was named Clodia Laeta. She, crying out loudly, "Antoninus

himself knows that I am a virgin, [he himself knows that I am pure,]"

was buried alive. [Three others shared her sentence. Two of them,

Aurelia Severa and Pomponia Rufina, met a similar death, but Cannutia

Crescentina threw herself from the top of the house.

And in the case of adulterers he did the same. For though he showed

himself the most adulterous of men (so far, at least, as he was

physically able) he both detested others who bore the same charge and

killed them contrary to established laws.--Though displeased at all good

men, he affected to honor some few of them after their death.--

¶Antoninus censured and rebuked them all because they asked nothing of

him. And he said, in the presence of all: "It is evident from the fact

that you ask nothing of me that you lack confidence in me. And if you

lack confidence, you are suspicious of me; and if you are suspicious of

me, you fear me; and if you fear me, you hate me." He made this an

excuse for severe measures.

¶Antoninus being about to cause Cornificia to take leave of earth bade

her (as a token of honor) choose what death she wished to die. She,

after many lamentations, inspired by the memory of her father, Marcus,

her grandfather, Antoninus, and her brother, Commodus, ended with this

speech: "Pining, unhappy soul of mine, shut in a vile body, make forth,

be free, show them that you are Marcus's daughter, whether they will or

no!" Then she laid aside all the adornment in which she was arrayed,

and having composed her limbs in seemly fashion severed her veins and

died.

[Sidenote: A.D. 214 (_a.u._ 967)] Next, Antoninus arrived in Thrace,

paying no further heed to Dacia. Having crossed the Hellespont, not

without danger, he did honor to Achilles with sacrifices and races, in

armor, about the tomb, in which he as well as the soldiers participated.

For this he gave them money, assuring them that they had won a great

success and had in very truth captured that famous Ilium of old, and he

set up a bronze statue of Achilles himself.] ¶Antoninus by arriving at

Pergamum, while there was some dispute about it, [Footnote: The sense of

these words is not clear. Boissevain conjectures that there may have

been some who doubted whether an emperor so diseased would ever live to

reach Mysia.] seemed to bring to fulfillment the following verse,

according to some oracle:

"O'er the Telephian land shall prowl the Ausonian beast."

He took a lasting delight and pride in the fact that he was called

"beast," and his victims fell in heaps. The man who had composed the

verse used to laugh and say that he was in very truth himself the

verse-maker (thereby indicating that no one may die contrary to the will

of fate, but that the common saying is true, which declares that liars

and deceivers are never believed, even if they tell the truth).

[Sidenote:--17--] He held court but little or not at all. Most of his

leisure he devoted to meddlesomeness as much as anything. People from

all quarters brought him word of all the most insignificant occurrences.

For this reason he gave orders that the soldiers who kept their eyes and

ears wide open for these details should be liable to punishment by no

one save himself. This enactment, too, produced no good result, but we

had a new set of tyrants in them. But the thing that was especially

unseemly and most unworthy, both of the senate and of the Roman

people,--we had a eunuch to domineer over us. He was a native of Spain,

by name Sempronius Rufus, and his occupation that of a sorcerer and

juggler (for which he had been confined on an island by Severus). This

fellow was destined to pay the penalty for his conduct, as were also the

rest who laid information against others. As for Antoninus, he would

send word that he should hold court or transact any other public

business directly after dawn; but he kept putting us off till noon and

often till evening, and would not even admit us to the ante-chamber, so

that we had to stand about outside somewhere. Usually at a late hour he

decided that he would not even exchange greetings with us that day.

Meanwhile he was largely engaged in gratifying his inquisitiveness, as I

said, or was driving chariots, killing beasts, fighting as a gladiator,

drinking, enjoying the consequent big head, mixing great bowls (beside

their other food) for the soldiers that kept guard over him within, and

sending round cups of wine (this last before our very face and eyes). At

the conclusion of all this, once in a while he would hold court.

[Sidenote: A.D. 214-215] [Sidenote:--18--] That was his behavior while

in winter-quarters at Nicomedea. He also trained the Macedonian phalanx.

He constructed two very large engines for the Armenian and for the

Parthian war, so that he could take them to pieces and carry them over

on boats into Syria. For the rest, he was staining himself with more

blood and transgressing laws and using up money. Neither in these

matters nor in any others did he heed his mother, who gave him much

excellent advice. This in spite of the fact that he entrusted to her the

management of the books and letters both, save the very important ones,

and that he inscribed her name with many praises in his letters to the

senate, mentioning it in the same connection as his own and that of his

armies, i.e., with a statement that she was _safe_. Need it be mentioned

that she greeted publicly all the foremost men, just as her son did? But

she continued more and more her study of philosophy with these persons.

He kept declaring that he needed nothing beyond necessities, and gave

himself airs over the fact that he could get along with the cheapest

kind of living. Yet there was nothing on earth or in the sea or in the

air that we did not keep furnishing him privately and publicly. [Of

these articles he used extremely few for the benefit of the friends with

him (for he no longer cared to dine with us), but the most of them he

consumed with his freedmen. Such was his delight in magicians and

jugglers that he commended and honored Apollonius [Footnote: The famous

Apollonius of Tyana.] of Cappadocia, who had flourished in Domitian's

reign and was a thoroughgoing juggler and magician; and he erected a

heroum to his memory.

[Sidenote: A.D. 215 (_a.u._ 968)] [Sidenote:--19--] The pretext for his

campaign against the Parthians was that Vologaesus had not acceded to his

request for the extradition of Tiridates and a certain Antiochus with

him. Antiochus was a Cilician and pretended at first to be a philosopher

of the cynic school. In this way he was of very great assistance to the

soldiers in warfare. He strengthened them against the despair caused by

the excessive cold, for he threw himself into the snow and rolled in it;

and as a result he obtained money and honors from Severus himself and

from Antoninus. Elated at this, he attached himself to Tiridates and in

his company deserted to the Parthian prince.

[Sidenote:--20--] [Antoninus surely maligned himself in asserting that

he had overcome by slyness the audacity, rapacity and faithlessness of

the Celtae, against which arms were of no avail. The same man commended

Fabricius Luscinus because he had refused to let Pyrrhus be

treacherously murdered by his friend.--He took pride in having put

enmity between the Vandili and Marcomani, who were friends, and in

having executed Gaiobomarus, the accused king of the Quadi. And since

one of the latter's associates, under accusation at the same time with

him, hanged himself before execution, Antoninus delivered his corpse to

the barbarians to be wounded, that the man might be regarded as having

been killed in pursuance of a sentence instead of dying voluntarily

(which was deemed a creditable act among them).

He killed Caecilius AEmilianus, governor of Baetica, on suspicion that he

had asked an oracular reply from Hercules at Gades.]

[Sidenote:--19--] Before leaving Nicomedea the emperor held a

gladiatorial contest there in honor of his birthday, for not even on

that day did he refrain from slaughter. Here it is said that a

combatant, being defeated, begged for his life, whereupon Antoninus

said: "Go and ask your adversary. I am not empowered to spare you."

[Sidenote: A.D. 216 (_a.u._ 969)] And so the wretch, who would probably

have been allowed by his antagonist to go, if the above words had not

been spoken, lost his life. The victor did not dare release him for fear

of appearing more humane than the emperor.

[Sidenote:--20--] For all that, while so engaged and steeped in the

luxury of Antioch even to the point of keeping his chin wholly bare, he

gave utterance to laments, as if he were in the midst of great toils and

dangers. And he reproved the senate, saying for one thing that they were

slothful, did not understand readily, and did not give their votes

separately. Finally he wrote: "I know that my behavior doesn't please

you. But the reason for my having arms and soldiers alike is to enable

me to disregard anything that is said about me."

[Sidenote:--21--] When the Parthian monarch in fear surrendered both

Tiridates and Antiochus, he disbanded the expedition at once. But he

despatched Theocritus with an army into Armenian territory and suffered

defeat amounting to a severe reverse at the hands of the inhabitants.

Theocritus was of servile origin and had been brought up in the

orchestra; [he was the man who had taught Antoninus dancing and had been

a favorite of Saoterus, and through the influence thus acquired he had

been introduced to the theatre at Rome. But, as he was disliked there,

he was driven out of Rome and went to Lugdunum, where he delighted the

people, who were rather provincial. And, from a slave and dancer, he

came to be an army leader and prefect.] He advanced to such power in the

household of Antoninus that both the prefects were as nothing compared

to him. Likewise Epagathus, himself also a Caesarian, had equal influence

with him and committed equal transgressions. Thus Theocritus, who kept

traveling back and forth in the interest of securing provisions and

selling them at retail, proved the death of many persons because of his

authority and for other reasons. One victim was Titianus Flavius. The

latter, while procurator in Alexandria, offended him in some way,

whereupon Theocritus, leaping from his seat, drew his sword. At that

Titianus remarked: "This, too, you have done like a dancer." Hence the

other in a rage ordered him to be killed.

[Sidenote:--22--] Now Antoninus, in spite of his declaration that he

cherished an overwhelming love for Alexander, all but destroyed utterly

the whole population of Alexander's city. Hearing that he was spoken

against and ridiculed by them for various reasons, and not least of all

for murdering his brother, he set out for Alexandria, concealing his

wrath and pretending to long to see them. But when he reached the

suburbs whither the leading citizens had come with certain mystic and

sacred symbols, he greeted them as if he intended to entertain them at a

banquet and then put them to death. After this he arrayed his whole

force in armor and marched into the city; he had sent previous notice to

all the people there to remain at home and had occupied all the streets

and in addition all the roofs in advance. And, to pass over the details

of the calamities that then befell the wretched city, he slaughtered so

many individuals that he dared not even speak about the number of them,

but wrote the senate that it was of no interest how many of them or who

had died, for they all deserved to suffer this fate. Of the property,

part was plundered and part destroyed.

[Sidenote:--23--] With the people perished also many foreigners, and

not a few who had accompanied Antoninus were destroyed for want of

identification. As the city was large and persons were being murdered

all over it by night and by day, it was impossible to distinguish

anybody, no matter how much one might wish it. They simply expired as

chance directed and their bodies were straightway cast into deep

trenches to keep the rest from being aware of the extent of the

disaster.--That was the fate of the natives. The foreigners were all

driven out except the merchants, and even they had all their wares

plundered. Also some shrines were despoiled. In the midst of most of

these atrocities Antoninus was present and looked on and personally took

a hand, but sometimes he issued orders to others from the temple of

Serapis. He lived in this god's precinct even during the nights and days

that witnessed the shedding of Egyptian blood. [And he sent word to the

senate that he was observing purity during the days when he was in

reality sacrificing there domestic beasts and human beings at the same

time to the god.] Yet why should I have spoken of this, when he actually

dared to devote to the god the sword with which he had killed his

brother?

Next he abolished the spectacles and the public messes of the

Alexandrians and ordered Alexandria to be broken up [Footnote: The

reading is [Greek: dioikisthaenai].] into villages, with a wall fully

garrisoned bisecting the city, that the inhabitants might no longer

visit one another with security. Such was the treatment accorded unhappy

Alexandria by the _Ausonian Beast_, as the tag of the oracle about him

called him; and he said he liked the title and was glad to be

distinguished by the honorific appellation of "Beast." Never mind how

many persons he murdered on the pretext that they had fulfilled the

oracle.

[Sidenote:--24--] [The same man gave prizes to the soldiers for their

campaign, allowing those stationed in the pretorian guard to get some

six thousand two hundred and fifty [Footnote: The common reading is

"twelve hundred and fifty," but since it seems incredible that the

Pretorians should have obtained less, instead of more, than the ordinary

soldiers, Lange with much reason proposed the change carried out

above,--a change which requires the insertion (or restitution) of but

one Greek numeral-letter that might easily have been overlooked by some

copyist.] and the rest five thousand [lacuna]

[That model of temperance (as he was wont to put it), the rebuker of

licentiousness in others, at the consummation of a most vile and at the

same time most dangerous outrage, appeared, in truth, to be indignant;

but by not giving that indignation sufficient free play and further by

allowing the youths to do what no one had ever yet dared to propose, he

greatly corrupted the latter, who had imitated the habits of women of

the demi-monde and of professional male buffoons.]

[On the occasion of the Culenian [Footnote: Nobody knows what the

Culenian games were; Valois guesses that they may have been an

Alexandrian festival. The text of this whole chapter is in a very ragged

condition, and should not be held too strictly accountable in the matter

of sense or cohesion.] spectacle severe censure was passed, not only

upon those who there carried on their accustomed pursuits, but also upon

the spectators.]

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY

Antoninus's treacherous campaign against Artabanus, the Parthian

(chapters 1-3).

Antoninus's death (chapters 4-6). Foreshadowings of his death, and

the abuse heaped upon him dead (chapters 7-10).

About Macrinus Augustus, and his excellencies and faults (chapters

11-15).

His letters and commands to the senate, and other official acts

(chapters 16-22).

Death of Julia Augusta (chapters 23, 24).

Inauspicious signs: peace arranged with Artabanus after submitting to

a defeat (chapters 25-27).

Uprising of the soldiers: Pseudantoninus is proclaimed as emperor by

the soldiers (chapters 28-31).

How Macrinus, conquered in battle, took to flight and was cut down

after the capture of his son (chapters 32-41).

DURATION OF TIME.

C. Attius Sabinus (II), Cornelius Annullinus (A.D. 216 = a.u. 969 =

Sixth of Antoninus.)

C. Bruttius Praesens, T. Messius Extricatus (II). (A.D. 217 = a.u.

970 = Seventh of Antoninus, from Feb. 4th to April 8th.)

M. Opellius Macrinus Aug., Q.M. Coclatinus Adventus. (A.D. 218 = a.u.

971. The first year of Macrinus ends April 11th and his second year

is abruptly terminated June 8th.)

_(BOOK 79, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: A.D. 216 (_a.u._ 969)] [Sidenote:--1--] The next thing was a

campaign against the Parthians and the pretext that was used was that

Artabanus had refused to view favorably his wooing and give him his

daughter in marriage. (But he knew well enough that, while pretending to

want to marry her, he in fact was anxious to detach the Parthian

kingdom.) So he damaged a large section of the country around Media by

means of a sudden incursion, sacked many citadels, won over Arbela, dug

open the royal tombs of the Parthians, and flung the bones about. The

Parthians would not engage him at close quarters, and therefore I have

had nothing of especial interest to record concerning the doings of that

expedition except, perhaps, one anecdote. Two soldiers who had seized a

skin of wine came to him, each claiming the booty as entirely his own.

Being bidden by him to divide the wine equally they drew their swords

and cut the wine skin in two, apparently expecting each to get a half

with the wine in it. They so dreaded their emperor that they troubled

him even with such details and showed such scrupulousness as to lose

both wineskin and wine.

Now the barbarians took refuge in the mountains and across the Tigris in

order to perfect their preparations. But Antoninus suppressed this fact

and, assuming that he had utterly vanquished a foe whom he had not even

seen, he displayed becoming pride; and, as he himself wrote, he was

particularly gratified because a lion ran down from the mountains and

fought on his side.

[Sidenote:--2--] Not only in other ways did he live unnaturally and

transgress laws, but in his very campaigns [[lacuna] but truth; [Footnote:

Here begins the parchment codex, Vaticanus 1288. See Volume I, page 8.]

for I have run across the book written by him about it. He understood so

well how he stood with all the senators that, in spite of many protests,

their slaves and freedmen and intimate friends were arrested by him and

were asked under torture whether "so-and-so loves me" or "so-and-so

hates me." For the charts of the stars under which any of his foremost

courtiers had been born gave evidence, he said, as to who was friendly

to him and who was hostile. And on this basis he honored many persons

and destroyed many others.

[Sidenote: A.D. 217 (_a.u._ 970)] [Sidenote:--3--] When the Parthians and

the Medes, greatly enraged at the treatment they had received, equipped

a large body of troops, he fell into an ecstasy of terror. He was very

bold in threats and very reckless in daring, but very cowardly in

following a slow course involving danger, and very weak in hard labor.

He could no longer bear either great heat or armor, and consequently

wore sleeved tunics made in such a shape as more or less to resemble

breastplates. Thus having the appearance of armor without its weight he

could be safe from plots and also arouse admiration. He often used these

garments when not in battle. He wore also a cavalry cloak, now all

purple, now purple with white threads, and again of white with purple

threads, and also red. In Syria and in Mesopotamia he used Celtic

clothing and shoes. He furthermore invented a costume of his own by

cutting out cloth and stitching it up, barbaric fashion, into a kind of

cloak. He himself wore it very constantly, so that it led to his being

called Caracalla, [Footnote: A word of Celtic origin, signifying a long,

ulster-like tunic plus a hood. This was a Gallic dress.] and he

prescribed it by preference as the dress for the soldiers. The

barbarians saw what sort of person he was and also heard that his men

were enervated through their previous luxury; for, to give an instance

of their behavior, the Romans passed the winter in houses, making use of

everything belonging to their entertainers as if it were their own.

[They further perceived that their opponents had become so physically

worn and so dejected in spirit by their toils and by the hardships which

they were now undergoing that they no longer heeded the presents which

they kept receiving from their commander.] Elated, therefore, to think

that they should find them rather helpers than foes, they made ready to

attack. [Footnote: The last five words are a conjecture of Bekker's.]

[Sidenote:--4--] Antoninus made preparations in his turn, but it did not

fall to his lot to enter upon the war: he was struck down in the midst

of his soldiers, whom he most honored and in whom he reposed vast

confidence. A seer in Africa had declared (in such a way that it became

noised abroad) that both Macrinus the prefect and his son Diadumenianus

[Footnote: His full name was M. Opellius Diadumenianus.] must reign.

Macrinus, sent to Rome, had revealed this to Flavius Maternianus, who at

the time commanded the soldiers in the city, and he had at once sent

word to Antoninus. It happened that this letter was diverted to Antioch

and came to [his mother] Julia, since she had been given orders to read

over everything that arrived and thus prevent a mass of unimportant

letters being sent to him while in a hostile country. Another letter

written by Ulpius Julianus, who then had charge of appraisements, went

by other carriers straight to Macrinus and informed him of the state of

the case. It was in this way that the letter to the emperor suffered a

delay and the despatch to his rival came to the attention of the latter

in good season. Now Macrinus, becoming afraid that he might be put to

death by Antoninus on account of all this, especially since a certain

Egyptian Serapio had told the prince to his face that Macrinus should

succeed him, did not find it well to delay.--Serapio had first been

thrown to a lion for his pains, but when he merely held out his hand, as

is reported, and the animal did not touch him, he was slain. He might

have escaped even this fate (or so he declared) by calling upon certain

spirits, if he had lived one day longer.

[Sidenote:--5--] Macrinus came to no harm but hastened his preparations,

having a presentiment that otherwise he should perish, especially since

Antoninus had suddenly, one day before [Footnote: "One day before" is a

conjecture of Bekker's. (The birthday of Antoninus seems to have been on

the sixth of April.)] his birthday, removed those of Macrinus's

companions that were in the latter's company, alleging one reason in one

case and another in another with the general pretext of doing them

honor. Not but [lacuna] expecting that it was fated for him to get it

he had also made a name which owed its origin to this fact. Accordingly,

he suborned two tribunes stationed in the pretorian guard, Nemesianus

and Apollinarius, brothers belonging to the Aurelian gens, and Julius

Martialius, who was enrolled among the evocati and had a private grudge

against Antoninus for not giving him the post of centurion on request.

Thus he made his plot, and it was carried out as follows. On the eighth

of April, when the emperor had set out from Edessa to Carrhae and had

dismounted from his horse to go and ease himself, Martialius approached

as if he wanted to say something to him and struck him smartly with a

small knife. The assassin at once fled and would have escaped detection,

had he thrown away the sword. The weapon led to his being recognized by

one of the Scythians on the staff of Antoninus, and he was brought down

with a javelin. As for Martialius [lacuna] the military tribunes pretending

to come to the rescue slew [lacuna]

[This Scythian attended him, not merely to be an ally of his, but as

keeping guard over him to a certain extent. [Sidenote:--6--] For he

maintained Scythians and Celtae about him, free and slaves alike, whom he

had taken away from children and wives and had equipped with arms; and

he affected to place more dependence upon them than upon the soldiers.

To illustrate, he kept honoring them with posts as centurions, and he

called them "lions." Moreover, he would often converse with emissaries

sent from the very provinces, and in the presence of no one else but the

interpreters would urge them, in case any catastrophe befell him, to

invade Italy and march upon Rome, assuring them that it was very easy to

capture. And to prevent any inkling of his talk spreading to our ears he

would immediately put to death the interpreters. For all that, we did

ascertain it later from the barbarians themselves: and the matter of the

poisons we learned from Macrinus.] It seemed that he partly sent for and

partly bought quantities of all kinds of poisons from the inhabitants of

Upper Asia, spending altogether seven hundred and fifty myriads upon

them, in order that he might secretly kill in different ways great

numbers of men,--in fine, whomsoever he would. They were subsequently

discovered in the royal apartments and were all consumed by fire. [At

this time the soldiers, both for this reason and, beyond other

considerations, because they were vexed at having the barbarians

preferred to themselves, were not altogether so enthusiastic over their

leader as of yore and did not aid him when he became the victim of a

plot.] Such was the end that he met after a life of twenty-nine years

[and four days (for he had been born on the fourth of April)], and after

a reign of six years, two months, and two days.

[Sidenote:--7--] There are many things at this point, too, in the story

that occur to excite my surprise. When he was about to start from

Antioch on his last journey, his father confronted him in a vision, girt

with a sword and saying: "As you killed your brother, so will I smite

you unto death;" and the soothsayers told him to beware of that day,

using so direct a form of speech as this: "The gates of the victim's

liver are shut." After this he went out through some door, paying no

heed to the fact that the lion, which he was wont to call "Rapier," and

had for a table companion and bedfellow, knocked him down as he went

out, and, moreover, tore some of his clothing. He kept many other lions

besides and always had some of them around him, but this one he would

often caress even publicly. It was thus that these events occurred.

And a little before his death, as I have heard, a great fire suddenly

fastened upon the entire interior of the temple of Serapis in

Alexandria, and did no other harm whatever save only to destroy that

sword with which he had slain his brother. [Later, when it stopped, many

stars shone out.] In Rome, too, [a spirit wearing the likeness of a man

led an ass up the Capitol and later up the Palatine, seeking, as he

said, its master and stating that Antoninus was dead and Jupiter

reigned. Arrested for his behavior, he was sent by Maternianus to

Antoninus, and he declared: "I depart, as you bid, but I shall face not

this emperor but another." Afterwards on coming to Capua he vanished.

[Sidenote:--8--] This took place while the prince was still alive.] At

the horse-race [held in memory of Severus's reign] the statue of Mars,

while being carried in procession, fell down. This perhaps would not

arouse such great wonder, but listen to the greatest marvel of all. The

Green faction had been defeated, whereupon, catching sight of a jackdaw,

which was screeching very loud on the tip of a javelin, they all gazed

at him and all of a sudden, as if by previous arrangement, cried out:

"Hail Martialius, Martialius hail, long it is since we beheld thee!" It

was not that the jackdaw was ever so called, but through him they were

greeting, apparently under some divine inspiration, Martialius, the

assassin of Antoninus. To some, indeed, Antoninus seemed to have

foretold his own end, inasmuch as in the last letter that he sent to the

senate he had said: "Cease praying that I may reign a hundred years."

The petition mentioned had always been uttered from the beginning of his

sovereignty and this was the first and only time that he found fault

with it. Thus, while his words were simply meant to chide them for

offering a prayer impossible of accomplishment, he was really indicating

that he should no longer rule for any length of time. And when certain

persons had once called attention to this fact, it also came to my mind

that when he was giving us a banquet in Nicomedea at the Saturnalia and

had talked a good deal, as was usual at a symposium, then on our rising

to go he had addressed me and said: "With great acumen and truth, Dio,

has Euripides remarked that

"'Neath divers forms the spirit world is lurking,

Much passing hope the gods are ever working.

Oft disappointment strikes down sure ambition:

The unthought chance God brings to full fruition.

This story leaves things in just that condition.'"

[Footnote: Lines that occur at the end of several of Euripides's

dramas.]

At the time this quotation seemed to have been mere nonsense, but when

not long after he perished the fact that this was the last speech he

uttered to me was thought to infuse into it a certain truly oracular

significance with regard to what was to befall him. Similar importance

was attached to the utterance of Jupiter called Belus, [Footnote: The

same as Baal.] a god revered in Apamea [Footnote: This is the Apamea on

the Orontes, built by Seleucus Nicator.] of Syria. He, years before,

when Severus was still a private citizen, had spoken to him these

verses:

"Touching eyes and head, like Zeus, whose delight is in thunder,

Like unto Ares in waist, and in chest resembling Poseidon."

[Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, II, verses 478-9.]

And later, after his accession as emperor, the god had made this

response to an enquiry: "Thy house shall perish utterly in blood."

[Footnote: Adapted from Euripides, Phoenician Maidens, verse 20.]

[Sidenote:--9--] [Accordingly the body of Antoninus was then burned, and

his bones, brought secretly by night into Rome, were deposited in the

mausoleum of the Antonines. All the senators and private individuals,

men and women, without exception entertained so violent a hatred of him

that all their words and actions relating to him were such as would

befit the downfall of a most implacable foe. He was not officially

disgraced, because the soldiers did not get from Macrinus the state of

peace which they had hoped to secure by a change. Deprived of the

profits which they were wont to receive from Antoninus, they began to

long for him again. Indeed, their wishes subsequently prevailed to the

extent of having him enrolled among the heroes: of course this was voted

by the senate.]

[Sidenote: A.D. 217, _a.u._ 970] In general, abundant ill was

consistently spoken of him by everybody. They would no longer term him

Antoninus, but [some called him Bassianus, [Footnote: He was originally

Septimius Bassianus, named after his maternal grandfather.] his old

name, others] Caracalla, as I have mentioned, [Footnote: In chapter 3.]

[others] also Tarautas, from the appellation of a gladiator who was [in

appearance] very small and very ugly and [in spirit very audacious and]

very bloodthirsty.

[Sidenote:--10--] Now his affairs, however one may name him, were in

this state. As for me, even before he came to the throne, it was

foretold me in a way by his father that I should write this account.

Just after his death methought I saw in a great plain the whole power of

Rome arrayed in arms, and it seemed as if Severus were sitting [on a

knoll there and] on a lofty tribunal conversing with them. And, seeing

me standing by to hear what was said, he spoke out: "Come hither, Dio,

to this spot; approach nearer, that you may both ascertain accurately

and write a history of all that is said and done."--Such was the life

and the overthrow of Tarautas. [After him there perished also those who

had shared in the plot against him, some at once and others before a

great while. His intimate companions and the Caesarians likewise

perished. He had been, as it were, coupled with a spirit of murder that

operated equally against enemies and against friends.]

[Sidenote:--11--] Macrinus, by race a Moor from Caesarea, came from most

obscure parents [so that with considerable justice he was likened to the

ass that was led to the Palatine by the apparition]. For one thing his

left ear had been bored, according to the custom [generally] in vogue

among the Moors. His affability was even more striking. As to duties,

his comprehension of them was not so accurate as his performance of them

was faithful. [Thus it was, thanks to the advocacy of a friend's cause,

that he became known to Plautianus, and at first he took the position of

manager of the latter's property; subsequently he ran a risk of

perishing together with his employer, but was unexpectedly saved by the

intercession of Cilo and was given charge of the vehicles of Severus

that passed back and forth along the Flaminian Way.] From Antoninus

[after securing some titles of a short-lived procuratorship] he obtained

an appointment as prefect and administered the affairs of this

responsible position excellently and with entire justice, [so far as he

was free to act independently. This, then, was his general character and

these the steps of his advancement. Even during the life of Tarautas he

was led, in the way that I have described, to harbor in his mind the

hope of empire;] and at his death [he did not, to be sure, either that

day or the two following days occupy the office, in order to avoid the

imputation of having killed him with such intentions: but for that space

of time the Roman state remained completely bereft of a ruler possessing

authority, though without the people's knowing it. He communicated with

the soldiers in every direction,--that is to say, the ones who were in

Mesopotamia on account of the war but instead of being in one body were

scattered all about; and he won their allegiance through the agency of

his [Footnote: Reading [Greek: ohi] (Dindorf) instead of [Greek: hos].]

friends], among his various offers being a suggestion that they might

secure a respite from the war, which was an especial cause of

dissatisfaction to them: and so on the fourth day [the anniversary of

Severus's birthday] he was chosen emperor by them [after making a show

of resistance].

[Sidenote:--12--] [He delivered an address full of good points and held

out hopes of many advantages to the rest of mankind as well. Those who

had been doomed to some life punishment for an act of impiety, of the

kind that is so named with reference to attitude toward emperors, were

absolved from their sentence; and complaints of that nature which were

pending were dismissed. He rescinded the measures enacted by Caracalla

relating to inheritances and emancipations and, by asseverating that it

was a sacrilege to kill a senator, he succeeded in his appeal for the

pardon of Aurelianus, whose surrender was demanded by the soldiers

because he had proved most obnoxious to them in many previous campaigns.

Not for long, however, was it in his power to behave as an honest man

[lacuna] and Aurelianus [lacuna] soldiers [lacuna] this man [lacuna] by

him [lacuna] absolute power [lacuna] wrath [lacuna] and two hundred and

fifty denarii [lacuna] there had been public notice of giving more

[lacuna] fearing that [lacuna] Aurelianus, the only one then present not

only of ex-consuls but of those who were senators at all [lacuna] by aid

of money [lacuna] upon him [lacuna] glad to divert the blame for

Caracalla's death [lacuna] and about the [lacuna] them [lacuna] the

[lacuna] the [lacuna] great masses both of furniture and of property of

the emperors. But as not even this on account of the soldiers sufficed

for the [lacuna] of senators [lacuna] kill [lacuna] no one, but putting

some under guard [lacuna] of the knights and the freedmen and the

Caesarians and [lacuna] causing those who erred in even the slightest

respect to be punished, so that to all [lacuna] of them [lacuna] the

procuratorships and the excessive expenditures and the majority of the

burdens recently laid upon them by Tarautas [lacuna] of the games

[lacuna] multitude [lacuna], gathering the presents which had

unnecessarily been bestowed upon any persons, and he forbade any silver

image of him being made over five pounds in weight, or any golden image

of over three. Greatest of all, the hire of those serving in the

pretorian guard [lacuna] to that appointed [lacuna] by Severus [lacuna]

[Sidenote:--13--] Though in truth he was praised by some for this (and

not without reason), still he incurred (on the part of the sensible) a

censure that quite counterbalanced it. The adverse sentiment in question

was due to the fact that he enrolled certain persons in the ranks of

ex-consuls and immediately assigned them to governorships of provinces.

Yet he refused the following year to have the reputation of being consul

twice because he had the honors of ex-consul: this was a practice begun

during the reign of Severus and followed also by the latter's son. This

procedure, however, both in his own case and in that of Adventus was

lawful enough, but he showed great folly in sending Marcius Agrippa

first into Pannonia and later into Dacia to govern. The previous

officials of the districts mentioned,--Sabinus and Castinus,--he

summoned at once to his side, pretending that he wanted their company,

but really because he feared their surpassing spirit and their

friendship for Caracalla. It was in this way that he came to despatch

Agrippa to Dacia and Deccius Triccianus [Footnote: _AElius Deccius

Triccianus_.] to Pannonia. The former had been a slave acting as master

of wardrobe for some woman and for this cause [Footnote: It is hard to

see why, unless in the age of Severus slaves were forbidden to have

charge of women's attire.] had been tried by Severus, although at the

time he was attached to the fiscus; he had then been driven out to an

island for betraying some interest, was subsequently restored, together

with the rest, by Tarautas, had taken charge of his decisions and

letters, and finally had been degraded to the position of senator, with

ex-consular rank, because he had admitted overgrown lads into the army.

Triccianus served in the rank and file of the Pannonian contingent, had

once been porter to the governor of that country, and was at this time

commanding the Alban legion.

[Sidenote:--14--] These were some of the grounds that led many persons

to find fault with him. Another was his elevation of Adventus. Adventus

had drawn pay as one of the spies and detectives, had left his position

there and served among the letter-carriers, had later been appointed

cubicularius, and still later was advanced to a position as procurator.

Now although old age prevented him from seeing, lack of education from

reading, and want of experience from being able to accomplish anything,

the emperor made him senator, fellow-consul, and prefect of the city.

This upstart had dared to say to the soldiers after the death of

Caracalla: "The sovereignty properly belongs to me, since I am elder

than Macrinus: but inasmuch as I am extremely old, I make way for him."

His behavior was regarded as nonsensical, as was also that of Macrinus,

in granting the greatest dignity of the senate to such a man, who could

not when consul carry on a plain conversation with anybody in the

senate, and consequently on the day of elections pretended to be sick.

Hence, before long Macrinus assigned the direction of the city to Marius

Maximus in his stead. It looked as if he had made him praefectus urbi

with the sole purpose of polluting the senate-house. And this pollution

took place not only in virtue of the fact that he had served in the

mercenary force and had performed the duties belonging to executioners,

scouts, and centurions, but in that he had secured control of the city

prior to fulfilling the demands of the consulship. In other words, he

became city prefect before senator. Macrinus connived at his promotion

with the definite intention of blinding the public in regard to his own

record, which would have shown that he had seized the imperial office

while yet a knight.

[Sidenote:--15--] Besides these not unmerited censures that some passed

upon him, he also attracted adverse criticism for designating as

prefects Ulpius Julianus and Julianus Nestor, who possessed no

particular excellence and had not been tested in many undertakings, but

had become quite notorious for rascality in Caracalla's reign; for,

being at the head of the late prince's messengers [Footnote: Mommsen

thinks that by this expression Dio probably means the position of

_princeps peregrinorum_.] they had been of great assistance to him in

his unholy meddling. However, only a few citizens took account of these

details, which did not tend wholly to encourage them. The majority of

individuals, in view of their having recently got rid of Tarautas, which

was more than they could have hoped, and comparing the new ruler in the

few indications afforded with the old, and in view of all the other

considerations and expectations, did not deem it fitting to condemn him

so soon. And for this reason they mourned him exceedingly when he was

killed, though they would certainly have felt hatred for him had he

lived longer.]

For he began to live rather more luxuriously and he took official notice

of those who reproved him. His putting Maternianus and Datus out of the

way was not reasonable,--for what wrong had they done in being attentive

to their emperor?--but it was not unlike human nature, since he had been

involved in great danger. But he made a mistake in venting his wrath

upon the rest, who were suspected of disliking his low birth and his

unexpected attempt upon the sovereign power. He ought to have done

precisely the opposite; realizing what he had been at the outset and

what his position then was, he should not have been supercilious, but

should have behaved moderately, cultivated the genius of his household,

and encouraged men by good deeds and a display of excellence unchanged

by circumstances.

[Sidenote:--16--] These things [lacuna] in regard to him [lacuna] have

been said by me [lacuna] in detail [lacuna] of any [lacuna] just as

[lacuna] nominally throughout his entire reign [lacuna] of all [lacuna]

of it [lacuna] that he said in conversation with the soldiers [lacuna]

it was proved [lacuna] and he dared to utter not a few laudations of

himself and to send still more of them in letters, saying among other

things: "I have been quite sure that you also would agree with the

legions, since I enjoy the consciousness of having conferred many

benefits upon the commonwealth." He subscribed himself in the letter as

Caesar and emperor and Severus, adding to the name of Macrinus the titles

of Pious, and Fortunate, and Augustus, and Proconsul, of course without

awaiting any vote on our part. He sent the letter without being ignorant

that he was, on his own responsibility, assuming so many and great

designations nor [lacuna] name [lacuna] of Pretorians as formerly some

[lacuna] not but what [lacuna] so wrote [lacuna] in the beginning

[lacuna] war chiefly [lacuna] of barbarians [lacuna] near [lacuna] in

the letter he used simply the same terms as the emperors before

Caracalla, and this he did the whole year through [lacuna] memoranda

found among the soldiers. Thus [lacuna] of things accustomed to be said

with a view to flattery and not inspired by truthfulness they became so

suspicious as to ask that they be made public, and he sent them to us,

and the quaestor read them aloud, as he did other similar documents in

their turn. And a certain praetor, as the senate was then in session and

none of the quaestors was present, also read an epistle once composed by

Macrinus himself.

[Sidenote:--17--] The first letter having been read, appropriate

measures were passed with reference to both Macrinus and his son. He was

designated Patrician, and Princeps Iuventutis, and Caesar. He accepted

everything save the horse-race voted in honor of the beginning of his

reign; from this he begged to be excused, saying that the event had been

sufficiently honored by the spectacle on the birthday of Severus. Of

Tarautas he made no mention at this time, in the way of either honor or

dishonor, save only that he called him Emperor. He ventured to term him

neither Hero nor Foe, and, as I conjecture, it was because the deeds of

his predecessor and the hatred of much of mankind made him shrink from

the former epithet, and the thought of the soldiers restrained him from

the latter. Some suspected that it was because he wanted the disgracing

to be the act of the senate and the people rather than his own,

especially since he was in the midst of the legions. He did say that

Tarautas by his wrongdoing had been chiefly responsible for the war and

had terribly burdened the public treasury by increasing the money given

to the barbarians, inasmuch as it was of equal amount with the pay of

the soldiers under arms. No one dared, however, to give utterance

publicly to any such statement against him and vote that he was an

enemy, for fear of immediate annihilation at the hands of the soldiers

in the City. Still, they abused him in their own fashion and heaped

insults upon him as much as they could, going over the list of his

bloody deeds, with the name of each victim, and ranging him alongside

all the evil tyrants that had ever held sway over them.

[Sidenote:--18--] At the same time the public demanded that the

horse-race given on his birthday be abolished, that absolutely all the

statues, both gold and silver, erected [Footnote: Supplying, with Reiske,

[Greek: hidruthentas].] in his honor be melted down, and that those who

had served with him in any capacity as informers be made known and

punished with the utmost speed. For great numbers, not only slaves and

freedmen and soldiers and Caesarians, but likewise knights and senators

and numerous very distinguished women, were believed to have given

secret hints during his reign and to have blackmailed various persons.

And although they did not attach to Antoninus the name of Enemy, they

did keep vociferating that Martialius (on account of the similarity of

his name to that of Mars, as they pretended,) ought to be honored with

enconiums and with statues for worship. They also showed for the moment

no indication of annoyance at Macrinus], the reason being that they were

so overwhelmed by joy on account of the death of Tarautas as not to have

leisure to think anything about his humble origin, and they were glad to

accept him as emperor. They were less concerned about whose slaves they

should be next than about whose yoke they had shaken off, and were

impressed with the idea that any chance comer who might present himself

would be preferable to their former master. [All the unusual

expenditures were rehearsed that had been made, not only by the Roman

Treasury but privately for any persons and on the part of any foreign

nations as a result of the former sovereign's direction: and thus the

overthrow of those charged with carrying out the enactments made by him

and the hope that in the future nothing similar would be done inclined

people to be satisfied with the existing arrangement.

[Sidenote:--19--] However, they soon learned that Aurelianus was dead

and that Diadumenianus, son of Macrinus, had been appointed Caesar. This

last was nominally the act of the soldiers, through whose ranks he

passed when summoned from Antioch to meet his father, but really it was

accomplished by Macrinus. People further learned that their ruler had

assumed the name of Antoninus. (He had done this to win the favor of the

soldiers, partly to avoid seeming to dishonor his predecessor's memory

entirely, especially in view of the fact that he had secretly thrown

down some of the statues offered to him in Rome by Alexander and set on

pedestals by Antoninus himself: and again he wanted to get an excuse for

promising them seven hundred and fifty denarii more.) So persons began

to think differently and reflected that previously they had held him in

no esteem. Taking account, furthermore, of all the additional ignoble

manifestations on his part that they suspected and thought likely, they

began to be ashamed and did not [lacuna] Caracalla any more than

[lacuna] things pertaining to him differently [lacuna] by deprecating

the [lacuna] of Severus [lacuna] of Antoninus [lacuna] they displayed

[lacuna] and hero and what befitted his reign, not to be sure [lacuna]

and wholly the judgments of all men in Rome [lacuna] underwent a change

[lacuna] senate [lacuna] to him [lacuna] me [lacuna] however, when all

were questioned man by man regarding his honors, both others answered

ambiguously and [lacuna] Saturninus [lacuna] in a way attributing

[lacuna] praetors [lacuna] that it was not permissible for him to put any

vote about anything, in order that they might avoid the consul's

jealousy. This procedure was contrary to precedent, for it was not

lawful that there should take place in the senate-chamber an inquiry

into any matter, except at the command of the emperor.

[Sidenote:--20--] The crowd, because they could obscure their identity

at the contest and by their numbers, gained the greater boldness, raised

a loud cry at the horse-race on the birthday of Diadumenianus, which

fell on the fourteenth of September: they uttered many lamentations,

asserting that they alone of all mankind were destitute of a leader,

destitute of a king; and they invoked the name of Jupiter, declaring

that he alone should be their leader and uttering aloud these words: "As

a master thou wert angry, as a father take pity on us." Nor would they

pay any heed at first to either the equestrian or the senatorial order

[lacuna] and commending the emperor and the Caesar to the extent of

[lacuna] in Greek saying: "Ah, what a glorious day is to-day! What noble

kings!" and desiring that the others also should share their opinion.

But they stretched out their arms toward the sky and exclaimed:

"[lacuna]. this is the Roman Augustus: having him we have all!" So true

it is that among mankind respect is a distinct characteristic of the

better element and contempt a characteristic of the worse. For these two

now regarded Macrinus and Diadumenianus as henceforth absolutely

non-existent and trampled upon their claims as though they were already

dead. This was one great reason why his soldiers despised him, and paid

no heed to what was done to win their favor. Another still more

important cause lay in the frequent and extraordinary insolence shown

toward him by the Pergamenians, who were deprived of what they had

formerly received from Tarautas; and for this conduct he imposed upon

them public sentence of loss of citizenship. [Sidenote:--21--] The

attitude of the soldiers is straightway to be described. At this time

Macrinus neither sent to the senate, as they were demanding, nor

published otherwise any document of the informers, saying either truly

or falsely (to avoid a great disturbance) that none such had been found

in the royal residence. For Tarautas had either destroyed the majority

of those containing any accusation or had returned them to the senders

themselves, as I have stated, [Footnote: The passage to which Dio refers

is lost.] to the end that no proof of his baseness should be left. But

he did reveal the names of three senators whom, from what he had himself

discovered, he deemed to be especially deserving of hatred. These were

Manilius and Julius, and moreover Sulpicius Arrhenianus, who had

blackmailed, among others, Bassus, the son of Pomponius, whose

lieutenant he had been when Bassus was governor of Moesia. These men

were banished to islands, as the emperor expressly forbade their being

put to death. "We would avoid,"--he wrote--these were his very

words,--"ourselves appearing to do the things for which we censure

them."--And Lucius Priscillianus [whose name was presented by the senate

itself,] was as much renowned for his insulting behavior as he was for

his killing of wild beasts. [He fought them at Tusculum every now and

then, and contended with so many each time that he bore the scars of

their bites.] Once he, unassisted, joined battle with a bear and

panther, a lioness and lion at once, but far more numerous were the men,

both knights and senators, whom he destroyed as a result of his

slanders. [For both of these achievements] he was greatly honored by

Caracalla [was enrolled among the ex-praetors and became (contrary to

precedent) governor of Achaea. He incurred the violent hatred of the

senate, was summoned for trial] and was confined upon an island. These

men, then, came to their end as described.

[Sidenote:--22--] And Flaccus was entrusted also with the dispensation

of food stuffs,--an office which Manilius had formerly held,--for he had

secured [Footnote: Reading [Greek: eilaephos] (Reimar).] it (with the

added ratification of Macrinus) as a reward of his information against

him; and he was subsequently made superintendent of the distribution of

dole which took place at the games given by the major praetors, save

those celebrated in honor of Flora [lacuna] moreover the iuridici

possessing authority in Italy had to stop rendering decisions outside

the traditional limits set by Marcus. [Footnote: The text of the early

part of this chapter may be characterized as "jagged." The sentences

lack clearness and the relation of the individual words is not always

certain. The reader may be interested to see a translation of

Hirschfeld's interpretation of the section, taken from his book entitled

_Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der Roemischen Verwaltungsgeschichte_

(pp. 117-120).

a [Flaccus]--It is here a question of a high senatorial office, which

can only be the _praefectura alimentorum_.

b [The iuridici]--Perhaps the person entrusted with the execution of

this ruling was C. Octavius Sabinus, who had the title of _electus ad

corrigendum statum Italiae_.

c [The orphans]--Probably during the latter portion of Caracalla's

reign, as also under Commodus, the funds for food had been available

either not at all or at irregular intervals, and therefore the

restitution of district prefects was determined upon.

From these Food Prefects for a particular district those officials must

be distinguished who bear the general title of _praefectus alimentorum_

without any local limitation, and show a marked difference from the rest

in that they are invariably of consular rank, whereas the position of

district prefect, like that of curator of roads, was usually held by a

candidate that had only passed the praetorship. The inscriptions of these

_consular_ prefects begin not earlier than the end of the reign of

Marcus Aurelius, perhaps not till Commodus, and extend to the time of

Macrinus, while during this whole time (a period, that is, of about

forty years) all trace of the district prefects vanishes. Under these

circumstances the conclusion seems to me inevitable that towards the end

of the second century (probably from the first years of Marcus Aurelius

on) the district prefecture was abolished and the administration was

centralized in Rome under a consular _praefectus alimentorum_, whose

authority extended over the whole of Italy.

Now very probably it was the introduction under Marcus Aurelius of the

_iuridici_ which occasioned this change, even if not immediately, and

that these duties of distribution, as well as other administrative

functions, were placed in their hands; one thing that would seem to

recommend this view particularly is that their position in general

tended to make them official examiners of the affairs of the

_municipia_. When, in addition, we have evidence that Macrinus in the

year 217 reduced the authority of the _iundici_ to the limits originally

imposed by Marcus Aurelius and that further the same emperor instituted

certain rulings for the amelioration of food distribution; when,

moreover, we consider in connection with this the coincidence of the

disappearance of the _consular food prefects_ for Italy on the one hand

and the reappearance of the _pretorial district prefects_ on the other,

it will not appear overbold to suppose that Macrinus, in the course of

the reform affecting the _iuridici_, also detached from them the right

to supervise foods, restored it to the curators of roads (as in the

original arrangement) and abolished the central bureau in Rome.]--A

certain Domitius Florus had formerly had charge of the senate records

and ought to have been next appointed aedile, but before entering upon

office had been deprived of all hope on account of Plautianus; he now

had recourse to sedulous office-seeking, recovered his lost standing and

was appointed tribune. Anicius Faustus was sent into Asia to govern in

place of Asper. The latter had at first obtained very great honor from

Macrinus, who thought he could settle affairs in Asia: afterwards, when

he was already _en route_ and was approaching the province (Macrinus had

not accorded a favorable reception to the petition forwarded to

Caracalla and delivered to him, in which the inhabitants begged that

Asper be not sent them as proconsul), the emperor offered him a terrible

affront in rejecting him. It was reported to the prince that Asper had

made some improper remarks, and moreover he affected to think that old

age and disease constituted a second reason for relieving him of his

duties, and therefore he delivered Asia into the keeping of Faustus, a

man who had been overlooked in the order of allotment by Severus. As the

time for him to govern turned out to be short, Macrinus bade him hold

the office for the following year in place of Aufidius Fronto. To the

latter he would entrust neither Africa (which he had drawn by lot),

because the Africans begged that he be not allowed to come, nor yet

Asia, though he had first transferred him thither. As a fitting

recognition, however, Macrinus proposed that twenty-five myriads be

given him to stay at home. Fronto, however, would not accept that,

saying that he wanted not money but a position of authority, and

accordingly later he received the province from Sardanapalus.

Besides these events aid was extended to the orphans, whose hopes of

support were small, from the [lacuna] age of childhood to military

years. [Footnote: See note 2c, page 58.]

[Sidenote:--23--] Now Julia, the mother of Tarautas, chanced to be in

Antioch, and at the first information of her son's death she was so

affected that she struck herself violently and undertook to starve

herself to death. The presence of this very same man, whom she hated

alive, became the object of her longings now that he had ceased to

exist; yet not because she desired him to live, but because she was

furious at having to return to private life; and this led her to abuse

Macrinus also long and bitterly. Subsequently, as no change was made in

her royal suite or in the guard of Pretorians attending her, and the new

emperor sent her a kind message (not having yet heard what she had

said), she took courage, laid aside her longing for death, and, without

writing him any response, held some negotiations with the soldiers she

had about her, especially [lacuna] and as they were angry with Macrinus

[lacuna] as they had a pleasanter remembrance of her son, how she might

attain the imperial position, rendering herself the peer of Semiramis

and Nitocris, since she came in a way from the same regions as

they; [Footnote: Boissevain's conjecture for the succeeding sentences

(valuable, of course, only as the guess of an expert) is the following:

But when nobody would cooperate with her and letters came from Macrinus

making certain announcements at which, in view of her circumstances, she

felt herself depressed in spirits, she renounced her ambitions out of

fear that she might be deprived of the title of Augusta and be forced to

depart to her native land, and al [lacuna] drea [lacuna] wom [lacuna] ad

[lacuna] eake [lacuna] and mos [lacuna] any one behol [lacuna] she

decided to do just the reverse and submit lest she be forced eventually

to return to Rome and be there compelled by Macrinus to remain at home

for the future for appearing to be opposed to his policy. Afterwards,

however, she was intending to take measures that would enable her to get

away by ship, if possibility still offered, when he ordered her, etc.]

as [lacuna] cooeperated [lacuna] and letters [lacuna] of Macrinus

[lacuna] some for which [lacuna] judgment [lacuna] fearing that she

might be deprived of the title of Augusta and to [lacuna] native country

be forced to return [lacuna] to fear [lacuna] go to Rome [lacuna]

Macrinus [lacuna] seeming to do the opposite [lacuna] how [lacuna] might

depart and he ordered her to depart from Antioch with all speed and go

whithersoever she would. [And when she heard what was said in Rome about

her son] she no longer cared to live. The cancer in her breast, which,

for a very long time had remained stationary in its progress, had been

made angry and inflamed by the blow which she struck her chest on

hearing of her son's death; this helped to undermine her constitution

and she made sure of her demise by voluntary starvation.

[Sidenote:--24--][And so this queen, sprung from a family of common

people and raised to a high station, who had lived during her husband's

reign in great unhappiness on account of Plautianus, who had beheld her

younger son butchered in her own lap and had borne ill-will to her elder

son while he lived, finally receiving such tidings of his assassination,

withdrew from power while in the full flush of life and thereafter did

herself to death. Hence a person reviewing her career could not deem

infallibly happy all those who attain great authority; indeed, in no

case unless some true and undefiled pleasure in life belongs to them,

and unswerving, permanent good fortune.--This, then, was the fate of

Julia. Her body was taken to Rome and placed in the tomb of Gaius and

Lucius. Later, however, both her bones and those of Geta were

transferred by her sister Maesa to the precinct of Antoninus.

[Sidenote:--25--] Nor was Macrinus destined to survive for long,--a fact

of which he doubtless had previous indications. A mule bore a mule in

Rome and a sow had a little pig with four ears and two tongues and eight

feet. A great earthquake occurred, blood flowed from a pipe, and bees

formed honeycombs in the Forum Boarium. The hunting-theatre was smitten

with thunderbolts on the very day of the Vulcanalia [Footnote: August

twenty-third.] and such a blaze ensued that all its upper circumference

and the whole circuit of construction and the ground-level were burned

and thereupon the rest of it caught fire and fell in ruins. No human aid

availed against the conflagration, though every possible stream of water

was directed upon the blaze, nor could the downpour from the sky, which

came in great amount and violence, accomplish anything. The force of

both kinds of water was exhausted by the power of the thunderbolts, and

to a certain extent, at least, the building only received additional

injury; [Footnote: Reading [Greek: prosesineto](Bekker).] wherefore the

gladiatorial spectacle was held in the stadium for many years.

This naturally seemed to foreshow what was to be. There were other fires

besides and imperial possessions were burned especially often during his

reign,--a thing which in itself has always been regarded as of ill omen;

but the fact that it seemed to have overthrown the horse-race of Vulcan

had a direct bearing upon the emperor. This accordingly gave rise to a

feeling that something out of the ordinary was in process of

consummation, and the idea was strengthened by the behavior on that same

day of the Tiber, which rose until it invaded the Forum and the roads

leading to it with such impetus as to sweep away even human beings. And

a woman, as I have heard, grim and gigantic, was seen by some persons

and declared that these disasters were insignificant as compared with

what was destined to befall them.

[Sidenote:--26--] And so it proved, for the evil did not confine itself

to the City alone, but took possession of the whole world under its

dominion, with whose inhabitants the theatre was customarily filled. The

Romans, defeated, gave up their war against the barbarians and likewise

received great detriment from the greed and factional differences of the

soldiers. The progress of both these evils I am now to describe.]

Macrinus, seeing that Artabanus was exceedingly angry at the way he had

been treated and had invaded Mesopotamia with a large force, at first of

his own accord sent him the captives and used friendly language, urging

him to accept peace and laying the blame for the past upon Tarautas. But

the other would not entertain his proposition and furthermore bade him

build up the forts and demolished cities, abandon Mesopotamia entirely

and offer satisfaction in general, but particularly for the damage to

the royal tombs. [For, trusting in the large force that he had gathered

and despising Macrinus as an unworthy emperor, he gave reign to his

wrath and expected that even without the Roman's consent he could

accomplish whatever he wished.] Macrinus had no opportunity to think it

over, but, meeting the enemy already on the way to Nisibis, was defeated

in a battle begun by the soldiers about water, while encamped opposite

each other. And he came very near losing the rampart itself, but some

armor-bearers and baggage-carriers happened along and saved it. In their

confidence, they had started out ahead and made a rush upon the

barbarians; and the unexpectedness of their sally was of advantage to

them, making them appear to be armed soldiers and not mere helpers. But

the [lacuna] both was not present then and [lacuna] the night [lacuna]

the camps [lacuna] and the Romans followed on. The enemy, perceiving the

noise that they made in going out, suspected [lacuna] flight, but seeing

them at a glance [lacuna] the Romans barbarians [lacuna] forced by their

[lacuna] and the flight of Macrinus, they became dejected and were

conquered. And as a result [lacuna] from Mesopotamia especially [lacuna]

they overran Syria [lacuna] he abandoned.

[Sidenote: A.D. 218 (_a.u._ 971)] This took place at the season under

consideration: but in the autumn and winter, during which Macrinus and

Adventus became consuls, they no longer came to blows with each other

but kept up an interchange of envoys and heralds until they had reached

an agreement.

[Sidenote:--27--] For Macrinus, through native cowardice (being a Moor

he was tremendously timorous) and by reason of the soldiers' lack of

discipline, did not dare to begin a war. On the contrary] he expended

for the sake of peace enormous amounts, in the shape of both gifts and

money, to Artabanus himself and to his assistants in the government, so

that the entire outlay came to five thousand myriads. [And the emperor

was not unwilling to effect a reconciliation, both for the reasons

mentioned and because his soldiers were extremely restive,--a condition

due to their having been away from home an unusual length of time, as

well as to the scarcity of food. No supplies were to be had from stores,

since there were no stores ready, nor from the country itself, because

part had been devastated and part was controlled by forts. Macrinus,

however, did not forward an exact account of all their proceedings to

the senate and consequently triumphal sacrifices were voted him and the

name of Parthicus was bestowed. But this he would not accept, being

apparently ashamed to adopt the appellation of an enemy by whom he had

been defeated.

Moreover, the war that had been waged in the regions of the Armenian

king subsided. Tiridates received the diadem sent him by Macrinus, and

got back his mother (whom Tarautas had confined in prison eleven

months), together with the booty captured from Armenia and all the

territory that his father possessed in Cappadocia, with hopes of

obtaining the annual payment often furnished by the Romans. And the

Dacians, after damaging parts of Dacia, held their hands in spite of a

desire for further conflict, and got back the hostages that Caracalla,

under the name of an alliance, had taken from them. This was the course

of these events.

[Sidenote:--28--] But a new war broke upon the heads of the Romans, and

no longer a foreign but a civil strife. It was the soldiers who were

responsible for the outbreak. They were somewhat irritated by their

setbacks, but their behavior was owing still more to the fact that they

would no longer endure any hard work if they could help it, but were

thoroughly out of training in every respect and wanted to have no

emperor that ruled with a firm hand but demanded that they get

everything without stint, and chose to perform no task that was fitting

for them. They were further angered by the cutting off of their pay and

the deprivation of prizes and exemptions (these last among the

privileges of the military), which they had gained from Tarautas, even

though they personally were not destined to be affected by these

measures. Their resolution was definitely strengthened by the delay

which they had undergone in practically one and the same spot while

wintering in Syria on account of the war. It should be stated that

Macrinus seemed to have shown good generalship and to have acted

sensibly in debarring the men in arms from no privilege, but preserving

to them intact all the rights allowed by his predecessor, whereas he

gave notice to such as intended to enlist anew that they would be

enrolled only upon the old schedule published by Severus. He hoped that

these recruits, entering the army a few at a time, would hold aloof from

rebellion, at first through peaceful inclinations and fear and later

through the influence of time and custom, and that by having no

corrupting effect upon the rest they would quiet them.

[Sidenote:--29--] If this had been done after the members of the army

had retired to their individual fortresses and were consequently

scattered, it would have been a correct move. Perhaps some of them would

not have shown indignation, believing that they would really be put at

no disadvantage because temporarily they suffered no loss: and even if

they had been vexed, yet, each body being few in number and subservient

to the commanders sent by the senate, they could have accomplished no

great harm. But, united in Syria, they suspected that they should be

liable to innovations if they separated;--for the time being they could

well believe they were being pampered on account of the demands of war.

And again [lacuna] So the others killed certain soldiers and ravaged

portions of Mesopotamia, and these men butchered not a few of their own

number and also overthrew their emperor; and, what is still worse, they

set up another similar ruler, by whom nothing was done save what was

evil and base. [Sidenote:--30--] It seems to me that this occurrence had

been foreshadowed more clearly, perhaps, than any previous event. A

very distinct eclipse of the sun [had taken place] about that time, [and

the comet-star was seen for a considerable period. And another]

luminary, whose tail extended from the west to the east, for several

nights caused us terrible alarm, so that this verse of Homer's was ever

on our lips:

"Rang the vast welkin with clarion calls, and Zeus heard the tumult."

[Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, XXI, verse 388.]

It was brought about in the following way:

Maesa, the sister of Julia Augusta, had two daughters, Soaemias and

Mammaea, by her husband Julius, an ex-consul. She had also two male

grandchildren. One was Avitus, the child of Soaemias and Varius

Marcellus, a man of the same race,--he was from Apamea,--who had been

occupied in procuratorships, had been enrolled in the senate, and soon

after died. The other was Bassianus, the child of Mammaea and Gessius

Marcianus, who was himself also a Syrian, from a city called Arca, and

had been assigned to various positions as procurator. Now Maesa at home

in Emesa her life [lacuna] her sister Julia, with whom she had made her

abode during the entire period of the latter's reign, having perished.

For Avitus, after governing in Asia, sent by Caracalla from Mesopotamia

into Cyprus, was seen to be limited to the position of adviser to some

magistrate who suffered from old age and sickness; and again [lacuna]

him, when [lacuna] he died, one Eutychianus, that had given satisfaction

in games and exercises, and for that reason [lacuna] who [lacuna]

[Sidenote:--31--] [lacuna] upon [lacuna] becoming aware of the strong

dislike of the soldiers for Macrinus [lacuna] wall [lacuna] and partly

persuaded by the Sun, whom they name Elagabalus and worship devotedly,

and by some other prophecies, he undertook to overthrow Macrinus and put

up Avitus, the grandson of Maesa and a mere child, as emperor in his

stead. And he accomplished both projects, although he had himself as yet

not fully reached manhood and had as helpers only a few freedmen and

soldiers [lacuna] and Emesenian senators [lacuna] pretending that he was

a natural son of Tarautas and arraying him in clothing which the latter

had worn when a child, Caesar by the [lacunae] introduced into the camp at

night, without the knowledge of his mother or his grandmother, and at

dawn on the sixteenth of May he persuaded the soldiers, who were eager

to get some starting-point for an uprising, to revolt. Julianus, the

prefect, learning this (for he happened to be not far distant), caused

both a daughter and a son-in-law of Marcianus, together with some

others, to be assassinated. Then, after collecting as many of the

soldiers remaining as he could in the short time at his disposal, he

made an attack upon what was, to all intents and purposes, a most

hostile fortress. [Sidenote:--32--] He might have taken it that very

day, for the Moors sent to Tarautas according to the terms of alliance

fought most valiantly for Macrinus, who was a countryman of theirs, and

even broke through some of the gates. But he refused the opportunity,

either because he was afraid to rush in or because he expected that he

could win the men inside to surrender voluntarily. As no propositions

were made to him, and they furthermore built up all the gates during the

night, so that they were now in a securer position, he again assaulted

the place but effected nothing. For they carried Avitus (whom they were

already saluting as "Marcus Aurelius Antoninus") all about upon the

ramparts, and exhibited some likeness of Caracalla when a child as

bearing some resemblance to their new ruler, declaring that the latter

was truly Caracalla's child and his proper successor in the imperial

office. "Why do you do this, fellow-soldiers?" they exclaimed. "Why do

you thus fight against your benefactor's son?" By this means they

corrupted all the soldiers with Julianus, especially as the troops were

anxious to have a change, so that the attackers killed their commanders,

save Julianus (for he effected his escape), and surrendered themselves

to the False Antoninus. For when an attempt to restrain them was made by

their centurions and the other subordinates, and they were, as a result,

hesitating, Eutychianus sent Festus (thus--according to the cubicularius

of Tarautas--was one of the Caesarians named) [Footnote: The text is

emended in accordance with a tentative suggestion of Boissevain.] and

persuaded them to kill all such officers and offered as a prize to each

soldier who should slay his man the victim's property and military rank.

The boy also harangued them from the wall with fictitious statements,

praising his "father" and [lacuna] Macrinus, as [lacuna]

[Fourteen lines are lacking.]

* * * * *

[Sidenote:--33--] [lacuna] those left to be restored to their original

property and status as citizens. But the most effective means by which

he attached them to himself was his promise to give each and every one

unlimited amounts of money, and to restore the exiles,--an act which

would seem to make him out in truth a legitimate son of Tarautas

[lacuna]

* * * * *

[Fourteen lines are lacking.]

[Sidenote:--34--] [lacuna] Marcianus [lacuna] Macrinus [lacuna] (for

Marcellus was dead) he put this person to death; but, lacking courage to

proceed further on his own responsibility without Macrinus, he sent for

the latter. Macrinus came quickly to the Alban soldiers at Apamea and

appointed his son emperor in spite of the lad's being but ten years old,

in order that with this excuse he might mollify the soldiers by various

means, chief among which should be the promise of five thousand denarii;

he assigned them a thousand each on the spot and restored to the rest

complete allowances of food and everything else of which they had been

deprived: in this way he hoped to appease them. With this same end in

view he bestowed upon the populace a dinner worth one hundred and fifty

denarii a head before revealing to them anything about the uprising; for

he wanted it to be thought that he was banqueting them not because of

that event but to show honor to his son. And on that occasion first one

of the revolted soldiers approached him carrying the head of Julianus

(who had been found somewhere in hiding and slain), in many linen cloths

and tied up very strongly indeed with ropes, pretending it was the head

of the False Antoninus. He had sealed the package with the finger ring

of Julianus. After doing that the soldier ran out when the head was

uncovered. Macrinus, upon discovering what had been done, no longer

dared either to stay where he was or to assault the fortification, but

returned to Antioch with all speed. So the Alban legion and the rest who

were wintering in that region likewise revolted. The opposing parties

continued their preparations and both sides sent messengers and letters

to the provinces and to the legions. As a result perturbation was caused

in many places by the first communication of each side about the other

and by the constant messages contradicting each other. In the course of

the uncertainty numerous letter-carriers on both sides lost their lives,

and numbers of those who had slain the followers of Antoninus, or had

not immediately attached themselves to their cause, were censured. Some

perished on this account and some merely incurred a small loss. Hence I

will pass over most of this (it is all very much alike and permits of no

considerable description in detail) and will give a summary of what took

place in Egypt.

[Sidenote:--35--] The governor of that country was Basilianus, whom

Macrinus had also made prefect in place of Julianus. Some interests were

managed also by Marius Secundus, although he had been created senator by

Macrinus and was at the head of affairs in Phoenicia. In this way both

of them were dependent upon Macrinus and for that reason put to death

the runners of the False Antoninus. As long, therefore, as the outcome

of the business was still in dispute, they and the soldiers and the

individuals were in suspense, some wishing and praying and reporting one

thing and others the opposite, as always in factional disturbances. When

the news of the defeat of Macrinus arrived, a riot of some magnitude

followed, in which many of the populace and not a few of the soldiers

were destroyed. Secundus found himself in a dilemma; and Basilianus,

fearing that he should lose his life instanter, effected his escape

from Egypt. After coming to the vicinity of Brundusium in Italy he was

discovered, having been betrayed by a friend in Rome to whom he had sent

a secret message asking for food. So he was later taken back to

Nicomedea and executed.

[Sidenote:--36--] Macrinus wrote also to the senate about the False

Antoninus [as he did also to the governors everywhere], calling him

"boy" and saying that he was mad. He wrote also to Maximus, the

praefectus urbi, giving him such information as one might expect, and

further stating that the soldiers recently enlisted insisted upon

receiving all that they were wont to have before, and that the rest, who

had been deprived of nothing, made common cause with them in their anger

at what was withheld. And to omit a recital, he said, of all the many

means devised by Severus and his son for the ruin of rigid discipline,

it was impossible for the troops to be given their entire pay in

addition to the donatives which they were receiving; for the increase in

their pay granted by Tarautas amounted to seven thousand myriads

annually, and could not be given, partly because the soldiers and again

because [lacuna] righteous [lacuna] but the recognized expenditures

[lacuna] and the [lacuna] could he himself and the child as [lacuna]

himself [lacuna] and he commiserated himself upon having a son, but said

that he found it a solace in his disaster to think that he had outlived

the fratricide who attempted to destroy the whole world. He also added

to the missive something like the following: "I know that there are

many who are more anxious to have emperors killed than to have them

live, but this is one thing I can not say in respect to myself, that any

one could either desire or pray that I should perish." At which Fulvius

Diogenianus exclaimed: "We have all prayed for it!"

[Sidenote:--37--] The speaker was one of the ex-consuls, but not of very

sound mind, and consequently he caused himself as much exasperation as

he did other people. He also [lacuna] the subscription [lacuna] of

letter [lacuna] and to the [lacuna] leather it had been entrusted to

read [lacuna] and those [lacuna] and [lacuna] others and also [lacuna]

be sent [lacuna] directly as [lacuna] hesitating [lacuna] ordering

[lacuna] by the [lacuna] and both to others [lacuna] of foremost to the

[lacuna] any care for the common preserver [lacuna] over [lacuna] that

the False Antoninus finding in the chests of Macrinus not yet [lacuna]

he himself voluntarily [lacuna] published [lacuna] calumny [lacuna]

making with reference to the soldiers. And he marched so quickly against

him that Macrinus could with difficulty encounter him in a village of

the Antiochians one hundred and fifty stades distant from the city.

There, so far as the zeal of the Pretorians went, he had him conquered

(he had taken from them their breastplates scales and their grooved

shields and had thus rendered them lighter for the battle): but he was

beaten by his own cowardice, as Heaven had foreshown to him. For on that

day when his first letter about the imperial office was read to us a

pigeon had lighted upon an image of Severus (whose name he had applied

to himself) that stood in the senate-chamber. [And subsequently, when

the communication about his son was sent, we had convened, not at the

bidding of the consuls or the praetors (for they did not happen to be

present) but of the tribunes,--a practice which by this time had fallen

more or less into disuse. And he had not written even his name in the

preface of the letter, though he termed him Caesar and emperor and

indicated that the contents emanated from them both. Also, in the

rehearsal of events, he mentioned the name Diadumenianus, but left out

that of Antoninus, though he had this title too. Such was the state of

these [Sidenote:--38--] affairs; and, by Jupiter, when he sent word

about the uprising of the False Antoninus, the consuls uttered certain

formulae against him, as is regularly done under such circumstances, and

one of the praetors and another of the tribunes did the same. War was

declared and solemnly proclaimed against the usurper and his cousin and

their mothers and their grandmother, and immunity was granted to those

that had taken part in the uprising, in case they should submit,

according as Macrinus had promised them. For the conversation he had had

with the soldiers was read aloud.] As a result of this, we all condemned

still more strongly his abasement and folly. [For one thing] he was most

constantly calling himself "father" and Diadumenianus his "son," and he

kept holding up to reproach the age of the False Antoninus, though he

had designated as emperor his son, who was much younger. [Now in the

battle Gannys hurriedly took possession of the narrow place in front of

the village and disposed his soldiers in good order for warfare,

regardless of the fact that he was most inexperienced in military

matters. Of such surpassing importance is good fortune in comparison

with other qualifications, that it actually bestows understanding upon

the ignorant.] But his army made a very weak fight and the men would not

have stood their ground, had not Maesa and Soaemias [for they were already

in the boy's retinue] leaped down from their vehicles and, rushing among

the fugitives, by their lamentations restrained them from flight, and

had not the lad himself been seen by them (by some divine disposition of

affairs) with drawn sword on horseback charging the enemy. Even so they

would have turned their backs again, had not Macrinus fled at sight of

their resistance.

[Sidenote:--39--] The latter, having been thus defeated on the eighth of

June, sent his son in charge of Epagathus and some other attendants, to

Artabanus, king of the Parthians. He himself went to Antioch, giving out

that victory was his, to the end that he might be offered shelter there.

Then, when the news of his defeat became noised abroad, in the midst of

many consequent slaughters both along the roads and in the city,

springing from somebody's favoring the one side or the other, he made

his escape. From Antioch he proceeded by night, on horseback, with his

head and whole chin shaved, and attired in a dark garment worn over his

purple robe in order that he might, so far as possible, resemble an

ordinary citizen. In this way, with a few companions, he reached AEgae in

Cilicia, and there, by pretending to be one of the soldiers that carried

messages, he got a wagon, on which he drove through Cappadocia and

Galatia and Bithynia as far as the shipyard of Eribolus, which is

opposite the city of Nicomedea. It was his intention to make his way

back to Rome, expecting that there he could gain some assistance from

the senate and from the people. And, if he had escaped thither, he would

certainly have accomplished something. For their disposition was

decidedly more favorable to him, in view of the hardihood of the

Syrians, the age of the False Antoninus, and the uncontrolledness of

Gannys and Comazon, so that even the soldiers would either

voluntarily [Footnote: Reading [Greek: 'hechhontast'] instead of

[Greek: thnheschontast].] have changed their attitude or, refusing to do

so, would have been overpowered. As it turned out, however, if any one

recognized him in the course of his journey so far described, at least

no one ventured to lay hands on him: but he came to grief on his voyage

from Eribolus to Chalcedon. He did not dare to enter Nicomedea [through

fear of the governor of Bithynia, Caecilius Aristo], and so he sent to

one of the procurators asking for money, and in this way he became

known. He was overtaken [while still] in Chalcedon and, on the arrival

of those sent by the False Antoninus in order that [lacuna] now if ever

[lacuna] he was arrested [by Aurelius Celsus, a centurion,] and taken to

Cappadocia [like a man held in no honor]. Ascertaining there that his

son had also been captured [(Claudius Pollio, the centurion of the

legion, had arrested him while driving through Zeugma, where, in the

course of a previous journey, he had been designated Caesar)], he threw

himself from the conveyance (for he had not been bound) and at the time

suffered a fracture of his shoulder; but subsequently (though not a

great deal later) being sentenced to die before entering Antioch, he was

slain by Marcianus Taurus, a centurion, and his body remained unburied

until the False Antoninus could come from Syria into Bithynia and gloat

over it.

[Sidenote:--40--] So Macrinus, when an old man,--for he was fifty-four

years of age [lacking three or five days],--and eminent in experience of

affairs, displaying some degree of excellence and commanding so many

legions, was overthrown by a mere child of whose very name he had

previously been ignorant,--even as the oracle had foretold to him;

[[lacuna]] for upon his applying [to Zeus Belus] it had answered him:

"Old man, verily warriors young harass and exhaust thee:

Utterly spent is thy strength, and a grievious eld comes upon thee!"

[Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, VIII, verses 102-103.]

And fleeing [lacuna] or [lacuna], having played part of runaway slave

through the provinces which he had ruled, arrested like some robber by

common officers, beholding himself with villains most dishonored

[lacuna] guarded before whom often many senators had been brought; and

_his_ death was ordered who had the authority to punish or to release

any Roman whomsoever, and he was arrested and beheaded by centurions,

when he had authority to put to death both them and others, inferior and

superior. And his son likewise perished.

[Sidenote:--41--] This proves that no one, even of those whose

foundations seem unshakable, is sure of his position, but the exceeding

prosperous, equally with the rest, are poised in the balance.

And this man would have been lauded beyond all mankind, if he had not

himself desired to become emperor, but had chosen some person enrolled

in the senate to stand at the head of the Roman empire and had

appointed him emperor; and only in this way could he have avoided blame

for the plot against Caracalla, for by such action he would have

demonstrated that he resorted to it to secure his own safety and not on

account of a desire for supremacy. Whereas, instead, he got himself into

disrepute and ruined his career, becoming subject to reproach, and

finally falling a victim to a disaster that he richly deserved. And

having grasped at sole sovereignty before he had even the title of

senator, he lost it very quickly and in the most disappointing way. He

had ruled only a year and two months, lacking three days (a result

obtained by reckoning to the date of the battle).

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY

Dio's Roman History 79:--

About Avitus, called also Pseudantoninus, and the slaughter that he

wrought (chapters 1-7).

About his transgression of law and how he married the Vestal (chapters

8-10).

About Eleogabalus [Footnote: It will be noted that the spelling of this

word in the Greek "arguments" of the MSS. differs from that in the

Greek text of the same.] and how he summoned Urania to Rome and united

her in bonds of wedlock with Eleogabalus (chapters 11-12).

About his licentiousness (chapters 13-16).

How he adopted his cousin and also renamed him Alexander (chapters 17,

18).

How he was overthrown and slain (chapters 19-21).

DURATION OF TIME.

The remainder of the consulship of Macrinus and Adventus, together with

four additional years, in which there were the following magistrates,

here enumerated. Pseudantoninus (II) and Q. Tineius Sacerdos. (A.D. 219

= a.u. 972 = Second of Eleogabalus, from June 8th.)

Pseudantoninus (III) and M. Valerius Comazon. (A.D. 220 = a.u. 973 =

Third of Elagabalus.)

C. Vettius Gratus Sabinianus and M. Flavius Vitellius Seleucus. (A.D.

221 = a.u. 974 = Fourth of Elagabalus.)

Pseudantoninus (IV) and M. Amelius Severus Alexander. (A.D. 222 = a.u.

975 = Fifth of Elagabalus to March 11th.)

(BOOK 80, BOISSEVAIN.)

[Sidenote: A.D. 218 (_a.u._ 971)] [Sidenote:--1--] Now Avitus, alias

False Antoninus, alias Assyrian or again Sardanapalus and also Tiberinus

(he secured the last appellation after he had been slain and his body

thrown into the Tiber) [on the very next day after the victory entered

Antioch, first promising the soldiers attending him five hundred denarii

apiece on condition that they should not sack the town,--a thing which

they were very anxious to do. This amount he levied upon the people. And

he sent to Rome such a despatch as might have been expected, speaking

much evil of Macrinus, especially with reference to his low birth and

his plot against Antoninus. Here is a sample of what he said: "He who

was not permitted to enter even the senate-house after the proclamation

debarring everybody other than senators from doing so, this man, I say,

dared treacherously to murder the emperor whom he had been trusted to

guard, dared to appropriate his office and to become emperor before he

was senator." About himself he made many promises, not only to the

soldiers but also to the senate and the people. He asserted that he

should do everything without exception to emulate Augustus (to whose

youth he likened his own) and also Marcus Antoninus. Yes, and he wrote

also the following, alluding to the derogatory remarks made about him

by Macrinus: "He undertook to censure my age, when he himself appointed

a five-year old son."

[Sidenote:--2--] Besides forwarding this communication to the senate, he

sent to the senate the records discovered among the soldiers and the

letters of Macrinus written, to Maximus, and sent them likewise to the

legions, hoping that these would cause them to hold the preceding

emperor's memory in greater detestation, and to feel greater affection

for him. In both the despatch to the senate and the letter to the people

he subscribed himself as emperor and Caesar, son of Antoninus, grandson

of Severus, Pius, Felix, Augustus, proconsul, and holder of the

tribunician power, assuming these titles before they were voted,[lacuna]

the [lacuna] not the [lacuna] but the [lacuna] of [lacuna]

used [Footnote: Illegible MS.--Boissevain conjectures: "And he used not

the name of Avitus, but that of his father."] [lacuna] the records of

the soldiers [lacuna] for of Macrinus [lacuna] Caesar [lacuna] Pretorians

and Alban legionaries who were in Italy [lacuna] and as consul should

proclaim [Footnote: "He sent another letter to the Pretorians and to the

Alban legionaries who were in Italy, in which he stated incidentally

that he was consul and high-priest." (Boissevain's conjecture.)]

[lacuna] and the [lacuna] Marius Censorinus [lacuna] superintendence

[lacuna] accepted [lacuna] Macrinus [lacuna] himself since not

sufficiently by his own voice [lacuna] public [lacuna] read [lacuna] the

letters of Sardanapalus [lacuna] registered among the ex-consuls and

gave him injunctions that if any one should resist him he should use the

band of soldiers. As a consequence, though against its will, it read

everything to those [lacuna] [Footnote: "Most of it Marius Censorinus,

who was their commandant, read aloud, but the news about Macrinus he

suppressed, because he thought that his single voice could not give it

sufficient publicity; at the same time, however, he took it upon himself

to have the letter of Sardanapalus read to the senate through the medium

of Claudius Pollio, who had been enrolled among the ex-consuls; thus, if

any opposition should develop, he would be in a position to use the band

of soldiers. As a consequence the senate, though against its will, read

everything to those enlisted." (Boissevain's conjecture.)]

For, by reason of the necessity thrust upon them, they were not able to

do anything that they should or had better have done [lacuna] but were

panic-stricken by fear [lacuna] and Macrinus, whom they had often

commended, they voted should be regarded as a public enemy and they

abused him, together with his son; and Tarautas, whom they had often

wished to declare an enemy, they now exalted and of course prayed that

his son might be like him.

[Sidenote:--3--] This was in Rome. And Avitus assigned [lacuna] Pollio

to govern [lacuna] Germany [lacuna] since the latter had very rapidly

reduced Bithynia to subjection. He himself, after sojourning some months

in Antioch until he had established his authority there in every

direction, went into Bithynia, coadjutor [lacuna] often [lacuna] making

Gannys, as had been his custom in the case of Antioch.

Having passed the winter here he proceeded into Italy through Thrace and

Moesia and both the Pannonias, and there he abode to the end of his

life. One action of his was worthy of a thoroughly good emperor: for,

whereas many individuals and communities alike,

including the Romans themselves,

both knights and senators,

had privately and publicly, by word and deed, heaped insults upon [both

Caracalla and] himself as a result of the letters of Macrinus, he

[neither threatened to make reprisals] in the case of a single person,

nor did he make reprisals. But on the other hand he drifted into all the

most obscene and lawless and bloodthirsty practices. [Some of them never

before known in Rome, took root and grew like ancestral institutions.

Others, taken up tentatively from one time [Footnote: Reading [Greek:

allote] (Bekker, Dindorf) in place of [Greek: alla te].] to another by

various individuals] flourished for the three years and nine months and

four days during which he ruled (to compute from the battle in which he

gained supreme control). [In Syria, he caused the assassination of

Nestor and Fabius Agrippinus, the governor of the country, as well as of

the foremost knights belonging to the party of Macrinus; but he

inflicted a similar fate upon men in Rome who were on most friendly

terms with him. In Arabia, he executed Pica Caesianus, [Footnote: _P.

Numicius Pica Caesianus_.] entrusted with the administration, because he

had not immediately declared his allegiance; and, in Cyprus, Claudius

Attalus, because he had fallen out with Comazon. Attalus had once been

governor of Thrace, had been expelled from the senate by Severus in the

war with Niger, but was restored to it by Tarautas, and had at this time

been assigned to Cyprus, as the lot directed. He had incurred Comazon's

ill-will by having formerly reduced him to the position of rower in a

trireme as a punishment for some villany which the latter committed

while serving in Thrace.]

[Sidenote:--4--] This incident sheds some light on the character of

Comazon, who got this name from mimes and buffoonery. [Footnote: This

statement is an error on the part of Xiphilinus, who thought that

"Comazon" (in Greek=The Reveler) was a nickname for a certain

Eutychianus. Investigations, however, show that there was a M. Valerius

Comazon prominent at this time and that the word should be taken as a

proper and not as a vulgar noun.] He commanded the Pretorians and,

though holding no position of management or superintendence whatever,

except over the camp, [he obtained the consular honors] and subsequently

actually became consul. [Also he became city prefect] not merely once,

but twice and thrice, as could be recorded in no other case. Wherefore

this, too, must be enumerated among the most illegal proceedings. [It

was on his account, then, that Attalus was put to death.

Triccianus came to his end on account of the Alban legion, which he

commanded with good discipline during Macrinus's reign, and Castinus

[Footnote: _C. Iulius Septimius Castinus_.] because he was energetic and

was known to many soldiers in consequence of the commands he had held

and his association with Antoninus. He had accordingly been sent out in

advance by Macrinus without reference to other events and was living in

Bithynia. The emperor put him to death in spite of having written

concerning him to the senate that Triccianus had been banished from

Rome, like Julius Asper, by Macrinus, and that he had restored him. He

took similar vengeance on Sulla, who had been governing Cappadocia but

had relinquished it, because Sulla both meddled in some matters that did

not concern him and when summoned to Rome by Elagabalus had managed to

meet the Celtic soldiers returning home after their winter in Bithynia,

a period during which they had raised some little disturbance. These men

perished for the reasons specified and no statements about them were

communicated to the senate. Seius Carus, the descendant of Fuscianus,

who had been city prefect, was killed because he was rich, great, and

sensible, on the pretext that he was forming a league of some of the

soldiers belonging to the Alban legion; and, on the basis of some

charges preferred by the emperor alone, he was accused in the palace,

where he was also slain.] Valerianus Paetus lost his life because he had

stamped some likeness of himself upon gold pieces to serve as ornaments

for his mistresses. [This led to the accusation that he intended to

remove to Cappadocia, a country bordering on his own (he was a Gaul),

for the purpose of starting a revolution, and that this was why he made

gold pieces bearing his own figure.

[Sidenote:--5--] On these charges] Silius Messala and Pomponius Bassus

[also were condemned to death by the senate: they] incurred blame

because they were not pleased with what he was doing. He did not

hesitate to write this statement about them to the senate, and called

them investigators of his habits of life and censors of proceedings in

the palace. ["The proofs of their plot I have not sent you," he said,

"because it would be useless to read them, in view of the fact that the

men are already dead."] There was another cause of dislike underlying

[the case against Messala,--the point, namely, that he sturdily made

public many facts in the senate. This was what led the emperor at the

outset to send for him to come to Syria, pretending to have very great

need of him, whereas his real fear was that Messala might bring about a

change of attitude on the part of the senators.

The cause in] the case of Bassus was that he had a wife both fair to

look upon and of noble rank; she was a descendant of Claudius Severus

and of Marcus Antoninus. Indeed, the prince married her, not allowing

her even to mourn the catastrophe. Now of his marriages, in which he

both married and was bestowed in marriage, an account will be given

presently. He appeared both as man and as woman, and performed the

functions of both in the most licentious fashion [lacuna] about [lacuna]

and [lacuna] by whom [lacuna] own [lacuna] Sergius [lacuna] and [lacuna]

out of [lacuna] any [lacuna] making [lacuna] him [lacuna] blame for

[lacuna] slaughter the [Sidenote:--6--] [lacuna] and of knights [lacuna]

Caesarians [lacuna] [lacuna] were destroyed [lacuna] nothing [lacuna] but

by killing in Nicomedea at the very start of his reign Gannys, who had

arranged the uprising, who had introduced him into the camp and had

likewise caused [the soldiers to revolt, who had presented him with the

victory over Macrinus, one who had reared and managed him,--by this act

he came to be regarded as the most impious of men. To be sure, Gannys

was living rather luxuriously and was fond of accepting bribes, but for

all that he brought no injury upon anybody and bestowed many benefits

upon many people. Most of all, he always showed a deep respect for the

emperor, and he was thoroughly satisfactory to Maesa and Soaemias, suiting

the former because she had brought him up and the latter because he

practically lived with her. But these were not the reasons why the

emperor put him out of the way, seeing that he was willing to give him a

marriage contract and appoint him Caesar. It was rather that Gannys

compelled him to live temperately and prudently. And his own hand was

the first to give his minister a mortal blow, since no one of the

soldiers had the hardihood to take the initiative in his murder.--These

events, then, took place in this way.

[Sidenote:--7--] [lacuna] Another pair executed were Verus, who had

likewise mustered courage to make an attempt upon the sovereignty while

in the midst of the third (Gallic) legion, which he was commanding; and

Gellius Maximus, on the same sort of charge, though he was lieutenant in

Syria proper and at the head of the fourth (Scythian) legion. For to

such an extent had everything got upside down, that these men, too, one

of whom had been enrolled in the senate from the ranks of the centurions

and the other of whom was the son of a physician, took it into their

heads to aim at the imperial office. I have mentioned them alone by

name, not so much because they were the only ones who appeared entirely

insane as because they belonged to the senate; for other attempts were

made. A certain centurion's son undertook to throw into disorder the

same Gallic legion, and another, a worker in wool, tampered with the

Fourth, and a third, a private citizen, with the fleet in harbor at

Cyzicus when the False Antoninus was wintering at Nicomedea. And there

were many others elsewhere, so that it became a very ordinary thing for

those who so wished to hazard the chance of fomenting rebellion and

becoming emperor. They were encouraged partly by the fact that many

persons had entered upon the supreme office without expecting or

deserving it. Let no one be incredulous of my statements, for the facts

about the private citizens I ascertained from men who are worthy of

confidence, and of what I have written about the fleet I gained an exact

knowledge in Pergamum, close at hand, the affairs of which, as also of

Smyrna, I managed, having been assigned to duty there by Macrinus. And

in view of this attempt none of the others seemed at all incredible to

me.

[Sidenote:--8--] This is what he did in the way of murders. His acts

which varied from our ancestral precedents, however, were of simple

character and inflicted no great harm upon us. Some noteworthy

innovations were his applying to himself certain titles connected with

his sovereignty before they had been voted, as I have already described,

[Footnote: See Chapter 2.] and again his enrolling himself in the

consulship in place of Macrinus when he had not been elected to it and

did not enter upon any of its duties (the time expiring too soon): yet

at first, in three letters, he had referred to the year by the name of

Adventus, as if assuming that the latter had been sole consul. Other

points were that he undertook to be consul a second time, without having

secured any office previously or the privileges of any office, and that

while consul in Nicomedea he did not employ the triumphal costume on the

Day of Vows. [Footnote: Translated by Sturz "_votivorum ludorum die_."

What festival is meant is uncertain, but it is probably _not_ the

Compitalia (III. Non. Ian.). [Sidenote:--11--] With his infractions of

law is connected also the matter of Elagabalus. The offence consisted,

not in his introducing a foreign god into Rome, or in his exalting him

in very strange ways, but in his placing him before even Jupiter and

having himself voted his priest, in his circumcising his foreskin and

abstaining from swine's flesh [on the ground that his devotion would be

purer by this means. He had thought of cutting off his genitals

altogether, but that was an idea prompted by salaciousness; the

circumcision which he actually accomplished was a part of the priestly

requirements of Elagabalus. Hence he mutilated in like manner numerous

of his associates.] A further offence was his being frequently seen in

public clad in the barbaric dress which the Syrian priests employ, a

circumstance which had more to do than anything else with his getting

the name of "The Assyrian."

[Sidenote:--12--] ¶ A golden statue of False Antoninus was erected,

distinguished by its great and varied adornment.

¶ Macrinus, though he found considerable money in the treasury,

squandered it all, and incomes did not suffice for expenditures.

[Sidenote: A.D. 219 (_a.u._ 972)] [Sidenote:--9--] As to his marriage.

He espoused Cornelia Paula in order that he might sooner (these are his

words) become a father,--he, who could not even be a man. On the

occasion of his marriage not only the senate and the equestrian order

but also the wives of the senators received some distribution of

presents. The people were given a banquet at the per capita rate of one

hundred and fifty denarii, and the soldiers had one that cost a hundred

more. There were contests of gladiators at which the prince wore a

purple-bordered toga, the same as he had done at the ludi votivi.

Various beasts were slain, among them an elephant and fifty-one tigers,

a greater number than had ever yet been despatched at one time.

Afterwards he dismissed Paula on the pretext that she had some blemish

on her person and cohabited with Aqulia Severa,--a most flagrant breach

of law. She was consecrated to Vesta and yet he most sinfully ravished

her and actually dared to say: "I did it in order that godlike children

may spring from me, the high-priest, and from her, the high-priestess."

He felicitated himself on an act which was destined to lead to his being

maltreated in the Forum and thrown into prison and subsequently put to

death. However, he did not keep even this woman for long, but married a

second, and then a third, and still another; after that he went back to

Severa.

[Sidenote:--10--] Portents had been taking place in Rome, one of them on

the statue of Isis, which is borne upon a dog above the pediment of her

temple: it consisted in her turning her face towards the

interior.--Sardanapalus was conducting games and numerous spectacles,

in which Helix, the athlete, won renown. How far he surpassed his

adversaries is shown by his wishing to contend in both wrestling and

pancratium at Olympia, and by his winning victories in both at the

Capitolina. The Eleans, being jealous of him, and through fear that he

might prove the eighth from Hercules (as the saying is), [Footnote:

The history and significance of this proverb are not known.] would not

call any wrestler into the stadium, in spite of their having inscribed

this contest on the bulletin-board. But in Rome he won each of the two

games,--a feat that no one else had accomplished.

[Sidenote:--11--] And here I must omit mention of the barbaric chants

which Sardanapalus chanted to Elagabalus, and his mother and

grandmother, all three, as also of the secret sacrifices that he offered

to him: at these he slaughtered boys, and used charms, besides shutting

up in the god's temple a live lion and monkey and snake, throwing in

among them human genitals, and practicing other unholy rites, while he

wore invariably innumerable amulets. [Sidenote:--12--] But to run

briefly over these matters, he actually (most ridiculous of all) courted

a wife for Elagabalus, on the assumption that the god wanted marriage

and children. Such a wife might be neither poor nor low-born, and so he

chose the Carthaginian Urania, summoned her to come thence, and

established her in the palace. He gathered wedding gifts for her from

all his subjects, as he might have done in the case of his own wives.

All these presents that were given during his lifetime were exacted

later, but in the way of dowry he declared that nothing should be

brought save the gold lions, which were melted down.

[Sidenote:--13--] But this Sardanapalus, who thought it right to make

the gods cohabit under the form of marriage, himself lived from first to

last most licentiously. [He married many women] and had liaisons with

many more [without any lawful title], yet it was not that he cared about

them; he simply wanted to imitate their actions when he should lie with

his lovers [and get accomplices in his excesses by returning to them

indiscriminately]. He used his body for doing and allowing many unheard

of things which no one would endure telling or hearing, but his most

conspicuous acts, which it would be impossible to conceal, were the

following. He would go by night, wearing a wig of long hair, into the

taverns and ply the trade of a female huckster. He frequented the

notorious brothels, drove out the prostitutes, and prostituted himself.

Finally, he set aside a room in the palace and there committed his

indecencies, standing all the time naked at the door of it, as the

harlots do, and shaking the curtain, which was fastened by gold rings,

the while in a soft and melting voice he solicited the passers-by.

Certain persons had been given special orders to let themselves be

attracted to his abode. For, as in other matters, so in this business,

too, he had numerous detectives through whom he sought out the persons

who could please him most by their foulness. He would collect money from

his Patrons and put on airs over his gains: he would also dispute with

his associates in this shameful occupation, saying that he had more

lovers than they and took in more money. [Sidenote:--14--] This is the

way he behaved to all alike that enjoyed his services. But he had,

besides, one chosen man whom he accordingly desired to appoint Caesar.

Also, arrayed in the Green uniform, he drove a chariot privately and at

home,--if one can call that place home where contests were conducted by

the foremost of his suite [and knights and Caesarians], the very

prefects, his grandmother, his mother, his women, and likewise several

members of the senate, including Leo, the praefectus urbi, and where they

watched him playing charioteer and begging gold coin like any vagabond,

and bowing down before the managers of the games and the members of the

factions.

[Now in trying anybody in court he really did have the appearance of a

man, but everywhere else his actions and the quality of his voice showed

the wantonness of youth. For instance, he used to dance not only in the

orchestra but more or less also while walking, performing sacrifice,

greeting friends or making speeches.

And finally (to go back now to the story which I began) he was bestowed

in marriage and was termed wife, mistress, queen. He worked in wool,

sometimes wore a hair-net, painted his eyes [daubing them with white

lead and alkanet], and once he shaved his chin and celebrated a festival

to mark the event. After that he went with smooth face, because it would

help him appear like a woman, and he often reclined while greeting the

senators. [Sidenote:--15--] "Her" husband was Hierocles, a Carian slave

[once the favorite of Gordius], from whom he had learned

chariot-driving. It was in this connection, also, that by a most

unexpected chance he won the imperial approbation. At a horse-race

Heirocles fell out of his chariot just opposite the seat of

Sardanapalus, losing his helmet in his fall. Being still beardless and

adorned with a crown of yellow hair, he attracted the attention of the

prince and was at once carried hastily to the palace; and by his

nocturnal feats he captivated Sardanapalus more than ever and rose to

still greater power. Consequently his influence became even greater than

his patron's and it was thought a small thing that his mother, while

still a slave, should be brought to Rome by soldiers and be numbered

among the wives of ex-consuls. Certain other persons, too, were not

seldom honored by the emperor and became powerful, some because they had

joined in his uprising and others because they committed adultery with

him. For he was anxious to have the reputation of committing adultery,

that in this respect, too, he might imitate the most lascivious women;

and he would often get caught voluntarily and in the very act. Then, for

his conduct, he would be brutally abused by his husband and would be

beaten, so that he had black eyes. His affection for this "husband" was

no light inclination, but a serious matter and a firmly fixed passion,

so much so that he did not become vexed at any such harsh treatment, but

on the contrary loved him the more for it and actually wished to appoint

him Caesar;--he threatened his grandmother when she interfered, and

chiefly on this man's account he became at odds with the soldiers. It

was this that was destined to lead his destruction.

[Sidenote:--16--] As for Aurelius Zoticus, a native of Smyrna, whom they

also called "Cook" (from his father's trade), he incurred the

sovereign's thorough love and thorough hatred, and consequently his life

was saved. This Aurelius had a body that was beautiful all over, as if

ready for a gymnastic contest, and he surpassed everybody in the size of

his private parts. The fact was reported to the emperor by those who

were on the lookout for such features and the man was suddenly snatched

away from the games and taken to Rome, accompanied by an immense

procession, larger than Abgarus had in the reign of Severus or Tiridates

in that of Nero. He was appointed cubicularius before he had been even

seen by the emperor, [was honored by the name of his grandfather,

Avitus, was adorned with garlands as at a festival,] and entered the

palace the center of a great glare of lights. Sardanapalus, on seeing

him, rose with modesty; the newcomer addressed him, as was usual, "My

Lord Emperor, hail!" whereupon the other, bending his neck so as to

assume a ravishing feminine pose, and turning his eyes wide open upon

him, answered without hesitation: "Call me Not Lord, for I am a Lady."

Then Sardanapalus immediately took a bath with him, and, finding his

guest when stripped to correspond to the report of him, burned with even

greater lust, reposed upon his breast, and took dinner, like some loved

mistress, in his bosom. Hierocles began to fear that Zoticus would bring

the emperor into a greater state of subjection than he himself was able

to effect, and that he might suffer some terrible fate at his hands, as

often happens in the case of rival lovers. Therefore he had the

wine-bearers, who were well-disposed to him, administer some drug that

abated the visitor's ferocity. And so Zoticus after a whole night of

embarrassment, being unable to secure an erection, was deprived of all

that he had obtained, and was driven out of the palace, out of Rome, and

later out of the remainder of Italy; and this saved his life. [However,

the emperor drove himself to such a frenzy of lewdness that he asked the

physicians to contrive a woman's vagina in his person by means of an

incision, and held out to them the hope of great pay for this

achievement.]

[Sidenote:--17--] Sardanapalus himself was destined not much later to

receive his well-deserved pay for his own defilement. For his acting in

this way and for making himself the object of these actions he became

hated by the populace and by the soldiers to whom he was most attached,

and at last he was slain by them in the very camp.

¶The False Antoninus was despised and put out of the way by the

soldiers. When any persons, particularly if armed, have accustomed

themselves to feel contempt for their rulers, they set no limits on

their right to do what they please but keep their arms ready to use even

against the very man who gave them whatever rights they possess.

[Sidenote: A.D. 221 (_a.u._ 974)] This is how it happened. He introduced

his cousin Bassianus before the senate, and, having stationed Maesa and

Soaemias on either hand, adopted him as his child. Then did he

congratulate himself on being suddenly the father of so large a child

(as if he surpassed him in age) and declared that he needed no other

offspring to keep his house free from despondency.

Elagabalus, he said, had ordered him to do this and further to call his

son's name Alexander. And I for my part am persuaded that it came about

in very truth by some divine intention, and I base my inference not upon

what he said but upon what was said to him by some one, viz., that an

Alexander would come from Emesa to succeed him, and again on what took

place in upper Moesia and in Thrace. [Sidenote:--18--] A little before

this a spirit, declaring that he was the famous Alexander of Macedon,

wearing his appearance and all his apparatus, started from the regions

near the Ister, appearing there in I know not what way. It traversed

Thrace and Asia, reveling in company with four hundred male attendants,

who were equipped with thyrsi and fawn-skins and did no harm. The fact

was admitted by all those who lived in Thrace at that time that lodgings

and all the provisions for It were provided at public expense. And no

one dared to oppose It either by word or by deed,--no governor, no

soldier, no procurator, no heads of provinces,--but It proceeded, as if

in a daylight procession prescribed by proclamation, to the confines of

Bithynia. Leaving that point, it approached the Chalcedonian land and

there, after performing some sacred rite by night and burying a wooden

horse, it vanished. These facts I ascertained while still in Asia, as I

stated, and before anything at all had been done about Bassianus in

Rome.

¶One day the same man said this: "I have no need of titles

derived, from war and blood. It suffices me to have you call me

'Pious' and 'Fortunate'."

¶The False Antoninus on receiving praise from the senate one

day remarked: "Yes, you love me and, by Jupiter, so does the

populace and likewise the foreign legions. But I do not satisfy

the Pretorians, to whom I keep giving so much."

[Sidenote: A.D. 222 (_a.u._ 975)] [Sidenote:--19--] So long as

Sardanapalus continued to love his cousin, he was safe. But, since he

was suspicious of all men, and learned that their favor was turning

solely and absolutely to the boy, he dared to change his mind and worked

in every way to effect his overthrow.

¶Some persons were conversing with the False Antoninus and

remarked how fortunate he was to be consul along with his son. He

rejoined: "I shall be more fortunate next year, for then I'm

going to be consul with my truly-begotten son."

The moment, though, that he tried to destroy him, he not only

accomplished nothing but ran the risk of being killed himself.

Alexander was sedulously guarded by his mother and his grandmother and

the soldiers, and the Pretorians, on becoming aware of the attempt of

Sardanapalus, raised a terrible tumult. They would not cease their

rebellious attitude until Sardanapalus, with Alexander, visited the

camp; and he poured out his supplications and under compulsion gave up

such of his companions in lewdness as the soldiers demanded. In behalf

of Hierocles he pled piteously and lamented him with tears, foretelling

his own death, and adding: "Grant me this one man, whatever you are

pleased to suspect about him, or else kill me!" and thus with difficulty

he succeeded in appeasing them. On this occasion, then, he was saved,

though with difficulty. His grandmother hated him for his practices

(which seemed to show that he was not the son of Antoninus) and was

coming to favor Alexander, as being really sprung from him.

[Sidenote:--20--] Later he again made a plot against Alexander and, as

the Pretorians raised an outcry at this, entered the camp with him.

Then, he became aware that he was under guard and awaiting execution,

for the mothers of the two, being more openly at variance with each

other than before, were stirring up the soldiers to action. He then made

an attempt to flee, and intended to escape to some point by being placed

in a box, but was discovered and slain, having reached eighteen years of

age. His mother, who embraced and clung tightly to him, perished with

him; their heads were cut off and their bodies, after being stripped

naked, were first dragged all over the city, and then the woman's trunk

was cast off in some corner, while his was thrown into the river.

[Sidenote:--21--] With him perished Hierocles, and others, and the

prefects; and Aurelius Eubulus, who was an Emesenian by race [and had

gone so far in lewdness and defilement that his surrender had earlier

been demanded by the populace]. He had been entrusted with the general

accounts [Footnote: One of the _rationales summarum_.] and there was

nothing that escaped his confiscations. So now he was torn to pieces by

the populace and the soldiers, and Fulvius, the city prefect, with him.

Comazon succeeded the latter, as he had succeeded Fulvius's predecessor.

Just as a mask used to be carried into the theatres to occupy the stage

during the intervals in the acting, when it was left vacant by the

comedians, so was Comazon put in the vacant place of the men who had

been prefects in his day over the city of Rome.--As for

Elagabalus, [Footnote: Elagabalus, the god.] he was banished from Rome

altogether.

Such was the story of Tiberinus: and none of those even who helped him

arrange the uprising and attained great power in return, save perhaps a

single individual, [Footnote: This probably refers to Comazon.] survived.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY

Why Dio was not able to relate in detail the history of the reign of

Alexander (chapter 1).

About Ulpian, Pretorian Prefect, and his death (chapter 2).

Undertakings of Artaxerxes the Persian against the Parthians and Romans

(chapters 3, 4).

Dio's second consulship, his return to his own country, and conclusion

of the History (chapter 5).

DURATION OF TIME.

Duration of time eight years, in which the following are enumerated as

consuls.

Antoninus Elagabalus (IV), M. Aurelius Severus Alexander Coss. (A.D. 222

= a.u. 975 = First of Alexander, from March 11th.)

L. Marius Maximus (II), L. Roscius AElianus. (A.D. 223 = a.u. 976 =

Second of Alexander.)

Iulianus (II), Crispinus. (A.D. 224 = a.u. 977 = Third of Alexander.)

Fuscus (II), Dexter. (A.D. 225 = a.u. 978 = Fourth of Alexander.)

Alexander Aug. (II), C. Marcellus Quintilianus (II). (A.D. 226 = a.u.

979 = Fifth of Alexander.)

Lucius Albinus, Max. AEmilius AEmilianus. (A.D. 227 = a.u. 980 = Sixth of

Alexander.)

T. Manilius Modestus, Ser. Calpurnius Probus. (A.D. 228 = a.u. 981 =

Seventh of Alexander.)

Alexander Aug. (III), Cassius Dio (II). (A.D. 229 = a.u. 982 = Eighth

of Alexander.)

[Sidenote: A.D. 222-229 (_a.u._ 975-982)] [Sidenote:--1--] Alexander

became emperor immediately after him [and at once proclaimed Augusta,

his own mother, Mammaea, who had in hand the administration of affairs

and gathered wise men about her son, that by their guidance he might be

duly trained in morals; and she chose out of the senate the better class

of counselors, to whom she communicated everything that had to be done].

He entrusted to one Domitius Ulpianus the command of the Pretorians and

the remaining business of the empire.--These matters I have set down in

detail, so far as I was able, in each case, but of the rest I have not

found it feasible to give a detailed account, for the reason that for a

long time I did not sojourn in Rome. After going from Asia to Bithynia I

fell sick, and from there I hurried to my duties as head of Africa. On

returning to Italy I was almost immediately sent to govern in Dalmatia

and from there into Upper Pannonia. After that I came back to Rome and

on reaching Campania at once set out for home.

[Sidenote:--2--] For these reasons, then, I have not been able to

compile an account of what follows similar to that which precedes. I

will narrate briefly, however, all the things that were done up to the

time of my second consulship.

Ulpianus corrected many of the irregular practices instituted by

Sardanapalus; but, after putting to death Flavianus and Chrestus, that

he might succeed them, he was himself before long slain by the

Pretorians, who attacked him in the night; and it availed nothing that

ran to the palace and took refuge with the emperor himself and the

latter's mother.--Even during his lifetime a great dispute had arisen

between the populace and the Pretorians, from some small cause, with the

result that they fought each other for three days, and many were lost by

both sides. The soldiers, on getting the worst of it, directed their

efforts to firing the buildings, and so the populace, fearing that the

whole city would be destroyed, reluctantly came to terms with them.

Besides these occurrences, Epagathus, who was believed to have been

chiefly [Footnote: Reading [Greek: to pleon] (Reimar, Bekker,

Boissevain).] responsible for the death of Ulpianus, was sent into

Egypt, supposedly to govern it, but really to prevent any disturbance

taking place in Rome when he met with punishment. From there he was

taken to Crete and executed. [Alexander's mother, being a slave to

money, gathered funds from all sources. She also brought home for her

son a spouse, whom she would not allow to be addressed as Augusta. After

a time, however, she separated her from her son and drove her away to

Libya, in spite of the woman's possessing his affections. Alexander,

however, could not oppose his mother, for she ruled him absolutely.]

[Sidenote:--3--] Many uprisings were made by many persons, some of which

caused serious alarm, but they were all checked. But affairs in

Mesopotamia were still more terrifying, and provoked in the hearts of

all, not merely the men of Rome but the rest of mankind, a fear that had

a truer foundation. Artaxerxes, a Persian, having conquered the

Parthians in three battles and killed their king, Artabanus, [made a

campaign against Hatra, which he endeavored to take as a base for

attacking the Romans. He did make a breach in the wall but, as he lost a

number of soldiers through an ambuscade, he transferred his position

into Media. Of this district, as also of Parthia, he acquired no small

portion, partly by force and partly by intimidation, and then] marched

against Armenia. Here he suffered a reverse at the hands of the natives,

some Medes, and the children of Artabanus, and either fled (as some say)

or (as others assert) retired to prepare a larger expedition.

[Sidenote:--4--] He accordingly became a source of fear to us; for he

was encamped with a large army over against not Mesopotamia only but

Syria also and boasted that he would win back everything that the

ancient Persians had once held, as far as the Grecian Sea. It was, he

said, his rightful inheritance from his forefathers. He was of no

particular account himself, but our military affairs are in such a

condition that some joined his cause and others refused to defend

themselves. The troops are so distinguished by wantonness, and

arrogance, and freedom from reproof, that those in Mesopotamia dared to

kill their commander, Flavius Heracleo, and the Pretorians found fault

with me before Ulpianus because I ruled the soldiers in Pannonia with a

strong hand; and they demanded my surrender, through fear that some one

might compel them to submit to a regime similar to that of the Pannonian

troops.

[Sidenote:--5--] Alexander, however, paid no attention to them, but

promoted me in various ways, appointing me to be consul for the second

time, as his colleague, and taking upon himself personally the

responsibility of meeting the expenditures of my office. As the

malcontents evinced displeasure at this, he became afraid that they

might kill me if they saw me in the insignia of my office, and he bade

me spend the period of my consulship in Italy, somewhere outside of

Rome. Later, accordingly, I came both to Rome and to Campania to visit

him. After spending a few days in his company, during which the soldiers

saw me without offering to do me any harm, I started for home, being

released on account of the trouble with my feet. Consequently, I expect

to spend all the remainder of my life in my own country, as the Divine

Presence revealed to me most clearly at the time I was in Bithynia.

Once, in a dream there, I thought I saw myself commanded by it to write

at the close of my work the following verses:

"Hector was led of Zeus far out of the range of the missiles,

Out of the dust and the slaying of men, out of blood and of uproar."

[Footnote: From Homer's Iliad, XI, verses 163-4.]

* * * * *

PRESERVED FROM BOOKS

PRECEDING No. 36.

* * * * *

(The "Fragments" of Dio.)

[Frag. I]

1. Dio says: "I am anxious to write a history of all (that is worth

remembering) done by the Romans both at peace and in war, so as to have

nothing essential lacking, either of those matters or of others.

(Valesius, p. 569.)

2[lacuna] everything about them, so to speak, that has been written

by any persons, and I have put in my history not everything but what I

have selected. However, let no one entertain any suspicions (as has

happened in the case of some other writers), regarding the truth of it

merely because I have used elaborate diction to whatever extent the

subject matter permitted; for I have been anxious to be equally perfect

in both respects so far as was possible. I will begin at the point where

I have obtained the clearest accounts of what is reported to have taken

place in this land which we inhabit.

This territory in which the city of Rome has been built" [Lacuna]

(Mai, p. 135.)

[Frag. II]

1. Ausonia, as Dio Cocceianus writes, is properly the land of the

Aurunci only, lying between the Campanians and Volsci along the

sea-coast. Many persons, however, thought that Ausonia extended even as

far as Latium, so that all of Italy was called from it Ausonia. (Isaac

Tzetzes on Lycophron, 44. and 615, 702.)

2. Where now Chone is there was formerly a district called Oenotria, in

which Philoctetes settled after the sack of Troy as Dionysius and Dio

Cocceianus and all those who write the story of Rome relate. (Idem, v.

912.)

3. ¶ About the Etruscans Dio says: "These facts about them required to

be written at this point in the narrative, and elsewhere something else

and later some still different fact will be told as occasion demands, in

whatever way the course of the history may chance to prepare the point

temporarily under discussion. Let this same explanation be sufficient

[Footnote: The MS. here has [Greek: ekontes] = "being (plural)

sufficient." I have adopted the reading [Greek: eketo], suggested by

Melber.] to cover also the remaining matters of importance. For I shall

recount to the best of my ability all the exploits of the Romans, but as

to the rest only what has a bearing on the Romans will be written."

(Mai, p. 136.)

[Frag. III]

1. Dio and Dionysius give the story of Cacus (Tzetzes, History, 5,

21).

2. In this way the country was called Italy. Picus was the first king of

it, and after him his son Faunus, when Heracles came there with the rest

of the kine of Geryon. And he begat Latinus by the wife of Faunus, who

was king of the people there, and from him all were called Latins. In

the fifty-fifth year after Heracles this AEneas, subsequent to the

capture of Troy, came, as we have remarked, to Italy and the Latins. He

landed near Laurentum, called also Troy, near the River Numicius along

with his own son by Creusa, Ascanius or Ilus. There his followers ate

their tables, which were of parsley or of the harder portions of bread

loaves (they had no real tables), and likewise a white sow leaped from

his boat and running to the Alban mount, named from her, gave birth to a

litter of thirty, by which she indicated that in the thirtieth year his

children should get fuller possession of both land and sovereignty. As

he had heard of this beforehand from an oracle he ceased his

wanderings, sacrificed the sow, and prepared to found a city. Latinus

would not put up with him, but being defeated in war gave AEneas his

daughter Lavinia in marriage. AEneas then founded a city and called it

Lavinium. When Latinus and Thurnus, king of the Rutuli, perished in war

each at the other's hands, AEneas became king. After AEneas had been

killed in war at Laurentum by the same Rutuli and Mezentius the

Etruscan, and Lavinia the wife of AEneas was pregnant (of Silvius

[Footnote: Reimar thinks this word a later interpolation.]), Ascanius

the child of Creusa was king. He finally conquered Mezentius, who had

opposed him in war and had refused to receive his embassies but sought

to command all the dependents of Latinus for an annual tribute. When the

Latins had grown strong because of the arrival of the thirtieth year,

they scorned Lavinium and founded a second city named from the sow Alba

Longa, i. e. "long white,"--and likewise called the mountain there

Albanus. Only, the images from Troy turned back a second time to

Lavinium.

After the death of Ascanius it was not Ascanius's son Iulus who became

king, but AEneas's son by Lavinia, Silvius,--or, according to some

Ascanius's son Silvius. Silvius again begat another AEneas, and he

Latinus, and he Capys. Capys had a child Tiberinus, whose son was

Amulius, whose son was Aventinus.

So far regarding Alba and Albanians. The story of Rome follows.

Aventinus begat Numitor and Amulius. Numitor while king was driven out

by Amulius, who killed Numitor's son AEgestes in a hunting party and

made the sister of AEgestes, daughter of the aforesaid Numitor, Silvia

or Rhea Ilia, a priestess of Vesta, so that she might remain a virgin.

He stood in terror of an oracle which foretold his death at the hands

of the children of Numitor. For this reason he had killed AEgestes and

made the other a priestess of Vesta, that she might continue a virgin

and childless. But she while drawing water in Mars's grove conceived,

and bore Romulus and Remus. The daughter of Amulius by supplication

rescued her from being put to death, but the babes she gave to

Faustulus, a shepherd, husband of Laurentia, to expose in the vicinity

of the river Tiber. These the shepherd's wife took and reared up; for

it happened that she had about that time brought forth a still-born

infant.

When Romulus and Remus were grown they kept flocks in the fields of

Amulius, but as they killed some of the shepherds of their grandfather

Numitor a watch was set for them. Remus being arrested, Romulus ran

and told Faustulus, and he ran to narrate everything to Numitor.

Finally Numitor recognized them to be his own daughter's children.

They with the assistance of many persons killed Amulius, and after

bestowing the kingdom of Alba on their grandfather Numitor themselves

made a beginning of founding Rome in the eighteenth year of Romulus's

life. Prior to this great Rome, which Romulus founded on the Palatine

mount about the dwelling of Faustulus, another Rome in the form of a

square had been founded by a Romulus and Remus older than these.

(Is. Tzetzes on Lycophron, 1232. Consequently Dio must have written

what is found in Zonaras 7, 3 [vol. II, p. 91, 7-10:]) "Romulus has

been described as eighteen years old when he joined in settling Rome.

He founded it around the dwelling of Faustulus. The place had been

named Palatium."

3. I have related previously at some length the story how AEneas

founded Lavinium, though these ignorant persons say Rome. See how

_they_ tell the story. AEneas received an oracle to found the city on

the spot where his companions should devour their own tables. Now when

they came to Italy and were in want of tables they used loaves instead

of tables. Finally they ate also the tables--or the loaves. AEneas,

consequently, understanding the oracle founded there the Lavinian

city, even if the ignorant do say Rome. (Is. Tzetz. on Lycophr. 1250.)

(Cp. Frag. III, 4.)

4. ¶Rome is part of the Latin country and the Latins have the same

name as Latinus, who is said to be the son of Odysseus and Circe, and

the Tiber, once called Albulus, received its change of name from the

fact that King Tiberius lost his life in it; this is proclaimed by

Dio's history among others. The Tiberius here meant by the history is

not the one subsequent to Augustus, but another who came earlier. He,

they say, died in battle and was carried away by the stream, and so

left his own name to the river. (Eustathius on Dionysius, 350.)

5. Arceisius--Laertes was a son of Arceisius who was so called either

from [Greek: arkeo arkeso] [Footnote: These are the first two principal

parts of a Greek verb meaning "to be sufficient."] as if he were able

merely to be sufficient ([Greek: eparkeo]), whence comes the epithet

[Greek: podarkaes] (sufficient with the feet) or else because an _arkos_

or _arktos_ (bear) suckled him, just as some one else was suckled by a

horse or goat, and still others by a wolf, among whom were also the

Roman chiefs (according to Dio),--Remus, that is to say, and Romulus,

whom a wolf (lykaina) suckled, called by the Italians _lupa_; this name

has been aptly used metaphorically as a title for the _demi-monde_.

(Eustathius on the Odyssey, p. 1961, 13-16.)

[Frag. IV]

1. [Lacuna] [lacuna] (for it is not possible that one who is a mortal

should either foresee everything, or find a way to turn aside what is

destined to occur) children to punish his wrongdoing were born

[infinitive] of that maiden. [Footnote: I.e., Rhea Sylvia.] (Mai, p.

136.)

2. ¶Romulus and Remus, by their quarrel together, made it plain that

some can bear dangers straight through life altogether more easily

than good fortune. (Mai, p. 136.)

3. On Romulus and Remus Dionysius of Halicarnassus makes remarks in

his History, and so do Dio and Diodorus. (Scholia of Io. Tzetzes in

Exeg. Hom. II. p. 141, 20.)

4. After they had set about the building of the city a dispute arose

between the brothers regarding the sovereignty and regarding the city,

and they got into a conflict in which Remus was killed. (Zonaras, 7,

3, vol. II, p-90, 7 sqq.) (Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)

5. Whence also the custom arose that he who dared to cross the trench

of the camp otherwise than by the usual paths should be put to death.

(Zonaras, ib., p. 90, 16-18.)

6. They themselves [Footnote: The Caeninenses, Crustumini, and

Antemnates are meant (Bekker).--Compare Livy, I, 10, 11.] learned well

and taught others the lesson that those who take vengeance on others are

not certainly right merely because the others have previously done

wrong, and that those who make demands on stronger men do not

necessarily get them, but often lose the rest besides. (Mai, p. 136.)

7. ¶Hersilia and the rest of the women of her kin on discovering them

one day drawn up in opposing ranks ran down from the Palatine with

their little children (children had already been born), and rushing

suddenly into the space between the armies aroused much pity by their

words and their actions. Looking now at the one side and now at the

other they cried: "Why, fathers, do you do this? Why, husbands, do you

do it? When will you stop fighting? When will you stop hating each

other? Make peace with your sons-in-law! Make peace with your

fathers-in-law! For Pan's sake spare your children, for Quirinus's

sake your grandchildren! Pity your daughters, pity your wives! For if

you refuse to make peace and some bolt of madness has fallen upon your

heads to drive you to frenzy, then kill at once us, the causes of

your contention, and slay at once the little children whom you hate,

that with no longer any name or bond of kinship between you you may

gain the greatest of evils--to slay the grandsires of your children

and the fathers of your grandchildren." As they said this they tore

open their garments and exposed their breasts and abdomens, while some

pressed themselves against the swords and others threw their children

against them. Moved by such sounds and sights the men began to weep,

so that they desisted from battle and came together for a conference

there, just as they were, in the _comitium_, which received its name

from this very event. (Mai, p. 137.)

8. Tribous Trittys; or a third part. Romulus's heavy-armed men, three

thousand in number (as Dio tells us in the first book of his History),

were divided into three sections called _tribous_, i. e. trittyes,

which the Greeks also termed "tribes." Each trittys was separated into

ten _Curiae_ or "thinking bodies"--_cura_ meaning thoughtfulness--and

the men who were appointed to each particular _curia_ came together

and thought out the business in hand.

Among the Greeks the _curiae_ are called _phratriae_ and

_phatriae_--in other words _associations, brotherhoods unions,

guilds_--from the fact that men of the same _phratry phrased_ or

revealed to one another their own intentions without scruple or fear.

Hence fathers or kinsmen or teachers are _phrators_,--those who share

in the same _phratry_. But possibly it was derived from the Roman word

_frater_, which signifies "brother." (--Glossar. Nom. Labbaei.)

9. (And he named the people _populus_.) Hence in the Law Books the

popular assembly has the name _popularia_. (Zonaras 7, 3 (vol. 11, p.

91, 17 and 18.) Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)

10. She [i. e. Tarpeia] having come down for water was seized and

brought to Tatius, and was induced to betray the fathers. (Zonaras,

ib., p. 93, 15-17.)

11. It is far better for them [senate-houses?] to be established anew

than having existed previously to be named over. (Mai, p. 137.)

12. ¶Romulus assumed a rather harsh attitude toward the senate and

behaved toward it rather like a tyrant, and the hostages of the Veientes

he returned [Footnote: Mai supplies the missing verb.] on his own

responsibility and not by common consent, as was usually done. When he

perceived them vexed at this he made a number of unpleasant remarks,

and finally said: "I have chosen you, Fathers, not for the purpose of

your ruling me, but that I might give directions to you." (Mai, p. 138.)

[What is said of Romulus in John of Antioch, Frag. 32 (Mueller) to

have been drawn from the extant books of Dio. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_

XIV.]

13. Dio I: "Thus by nature, doubtless, mankind will not endure to be

ruled by what is similar and ordinary partly through jealousy, partly

through contempt of it." [Footnote: This is probably a remark in regard

to the quarrels of the Roman elders over the kingdom after the death of

Romulus.--Compare Livy. I, 17.] (--Bekker, Anecd. p. 164, 15.)

14. Dio in I: "What time he threw both body and soul into the balance,

encountering danger in your behalf." [Footnote: Perhaps a reference to

the father of Horatius defending his son, or even to Romulus.] (Ib. p.

165, 27.)

[Frag. V] 1. Romulus had a crown and a sceptre with an eagle on the

top and a white cloak reaching to the feet striped with purple

embroideries from the shoulders to the feet: the name of the cloak was

toga, i. e. "covering," from _tegere_ the corresponding verb (this is

the word the Romans use for "cover") and a purple shoe which was

called _cothurnus_, as Cocceius says. (Io. Laur. Lydus, De Magis.

Reip. Rom. 1, pp. 20-22.)

Therefore the words of Zonaras II, p. 96, 5, may be attributed to Dio:

"(Romulus) also used red sandals."

2. "Shedding ashes from the hearth over the earth, they skillfully

traced the prophesies with this wand, as they gazed at the sun and

foretold the future. This wand Plutarch terms _lituos_, but _lituoi_

is what Cocceianus Cassius Dio says." (Io. Tzetzes, Alleg. Iliadis 1,

28.)

3. Numa dwelt on a hill called Quirinal, because he was a Sabine, but

he had his official residence in the Sacred Way and used to spend his

time near the temple of Vesta and sometimes even remained on the spot.

(Valesius, p. 569.)

4. For since he understood well that the majority of mankind hold in

contempt what is of like nature and consorts with them through a

feeling that it is no better than themselves, but cultivate what is

obscure and foreign as being superior, because they believe it divine,

he dedicated a certain lot of land to the Muses [lacuna] (Mai, p. 138.)

5. ¶The gods, as guardians of peace and justice, must be pure of

murder; and not listen to or look at anything pertaining to divinity

in a cursory or neglectful manner, but must exist enjoying leisure

from other affairs and fixing their attention on the practice of piety

as the most important act.--Zonaras, 7, 5 (vol. II, p. 100).

6. Dio, Book I: "This, then, is what Numa thought" (Bekker, Anecd. p.

158, 23.)

7. Furthermore, also, that they became composed at that time through

their own efforts, and took the sacred oath; after which they

themselves continued at peace both with one another and with the

outside tribes throughout the entire reign of Numa, and they seemed to

have lighted upon him by divine guidance no less than in the case of

Romulus. Men who know Sabine history best declare that he was born on

the same day that Rome was founded. In this way, because of both them

the city quickly became strong and well adorned: for the one gave it

practice in warfare,--of necessity, since it was but newly

founded,--and the other taught it besides the art of peace, so that it

was equally distinguished in each of these two particulars. (Valesius,

p. 569.)

8. Dio the Roman says that Janus, an ancient hero, because of his

entertainment of Saturn, received the knowledge of the future and of

the past, and that on this account he was represented with two faces

by the Romans. From him the month of January was named, and the

beginning of the year comes in the same month. (Cedrenus, Vol. 1, p.

295, 10, Bekker.)

9. Book 1, Dio:--"For in some beginnings, when grasping at ends, the

costs that we endure are not unwelcome." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 161, 3.)

10. (Numa) having lived for a period of three more than eighty years,

and having been king forty and three years.--Zonaras, 7, 5. (Cp.

Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)

[Frag. VI]

1. Dio, Book 2: "that their [Footnote: Probably refers to the people of

Alba.] reputation would stand in the way of their growth." (Bekker,

Anecd., p. 139, 12.)

2. ¶Neither of the two [Tullus or Mettius] sanctioned the removal, but

both championed their own pretensions. For Tullus in view of the report

about Romulus and the power they possessed was elated and so was

Fufetius in view of the age of Alba and because it was the mother city

not only of the Romans themselves but of many others; and both felt no

little pride. For these reasons they withdrew from that dispute but

plunged into a new quarrel about the sovereignty: for they saw that it

was impossible [Footnote: Refers to the Romans.] to keep them free from

party feeling, dwelling with them in safety on fair terms; and this was

due to the inherent disposition of men to quarrel with their equals, and

to desire to rule others. Many claims also regarding this they preferred

against each other, to see if by any means the one party would

voluntarily concede either of the two favors to the other. They

accomplished nothing, but formed a compact to struggle in her behalf.

(Mai, p. 139.)

3. Dio, Book 2.--"and attacking them who expected no further danger."

(Bekker, Anecd. p. 139, 15.)

4. ¶Tullus was deemed most able against the enemy, but absolutely

despised and neglected religion until, during the recurrence of a

plague, he himself fell sick. Then, indeed, he paid the strictest

regard to all the gods, and furthermore established the Salii Collini.

(Valesius, p. 569.)

[Frag. VII]

¶Marcius, comprehending how it is not sufficient for men who wish to

remain at peace to refrain from wrongdoing, and that refusing to

molest others, without active measures, is not a means of safety, but

the more one longs for it the more vulnerable does one become to the

mass of mankind, changed his course. He saw that a desire for quiet

was not a power for protection unless accompanied by equipment for

war: he perceived also that delight in freedom from foreign broils

very quickly and very easily ruined men who were unduly enthusiastic

over it. For this reason he thought that war was nobler and safer,

both as a preparation and as forethought, than was peace, and so

whatever he was unable to obtain from the Latins with their consent,

and without harming them, he took away against their will by means of

a military expedition. (Mai, p. 139.)

[Frag. VIII]

¶Tarquinius, by using wealth, knowledge, and great wit opportunely

everywhere, put Marcius in such a frame of mind than he was enrolled

by the latter among the patricians and among the senators, was often

appointed general and was entrusted with the guardianship of his

children and of the kingdom. He was no less agreeable to the rest, and

consequently ruled them with their consent. The reason was that while

he took all measures from which he might derive strength he did not

lose his head, but though among the foremost humbled himself. Any

laborious tasks he was willing to undertake openly in the place of

others, but in pleasure he willingly made way for others while he

himself obtained either nothing or but little, and that unnoticed. The

responsibility for what went well he laid upon any one sooner than

upon himself and placed the resulting advantages within the reach of

the public for whoever desired them, but more unsatisfactory issues he

never laid to the charge of any one else, nor attempted to divide the

blame. Besides, he favored all the friends of Marcius individually

both by deeds and by words. Money he spent without stint and was ready

to offer his services if any one wanted anything of him. He neither

said nor did anything mean against any one, and did not fall into

enmity with any one if he could help it. Furthermore, whatever

benefits he received from any persons he always exaggerated, but

unpleasant treatment he either did not notice at all or minimized it

and regarded it is of very slight importance: not only did he refuse

to take offensive measures in return, but he conferred kindnesses

until he won the man over entirely. This gained him a certain

reputation for cleverness, because he had mastered Marcius and all the

latter's followers, but through subsequent events he caused the

majority of men to be distrusted, either as being deceitful by nature

or as changing their views according to their own influence and

fortunes. (Valesius, p. 570.)

[Frag. IX]

Second Book of Dio: "As there was nothing in which they did not yield

him obedience." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 164, 19.)

[Frag. X] 1. Dio, Book 2.--"Because his brother did not cooperate

with him he secretly put him out of the way by poison through the

agency of his wife." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 139, 17. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 9.)

2. ¶Tarquinius, when he had equipped himself sufficiently to reign over

them even if they were unwilling, first arrested the most powerful

members of the senate and next some of the rest, and put to death many

publicly, when he could bring some real charge against them, and many

besides secretly, while some he banished. Not merely because some of

them loved Tullius more than him, nor because they had family, wealth,

intelligence, and displayed conspicuous bravery and distinguished wisdom

did he destroy them, out of jealousy and out of a suspicion likewise

that their dissimilarity of character must force them to hate him, the

while he defended himself against some and anticipated the attack of

others; no, he slew all his bosom friends who had exerted themselves to

help him get the kingship no less than the rest; for he thought that

impelled by the audacity and fondness for revolution through which they

had obtained dominion for him they might equally well give it to some

one else. So he made away with the best part of the senate and of the

knights and did not appoint to those orders any one at all in place of

the men who had been destroyed: he understood that he was hated by the

entire populace and was anxious to render the classes mentioned

extremely weak through paucity of men. Yes, he even undertook to abolish

the senate altogether, since he believed that every gathering of men and

especially of chosen persons who had some pretence of prestige from

antiquity, was most hostile to a tyrant. But as he was afraid that the

multitude or else his body-guards themselves, in their capacity as

citizens, might by reason of vexation at the change in government

revolt, he refrained from doing this openly, but effected it in a

conveniently outrageous way. He failed to introduce any new member into

the senate to make up the loss, and to those who were left he

communicated nothing of importance. He called the senators together not

to help him in the administration of any important business; no, this

very act was to give them a proof of their littleness, and thereby to

enable him to humiliate and show scorn for them. Most of his business he

carried on by himself or with the aid of his sons, in the first place to

the end that no one else should have any power, and secondly because he

shrank from publishing matters involving his own wrongdoing. He was

difficult of access and hard to accost, and showed such great

haughtiness and brutality toward all alike that he received the nickname

among them of "Proud." Among other decidedly tyrannical deeds of himself

and his children might be mentioned the fact that he once had some

citizens bound naked to some crosses in the Forum and before the

eyes of the citizens, and had them shamefully beaten to death with rods.

This punishment, invented by him at that time, has often been

inflicted. (Valesius, p. 573.)

3. Dio in 2nd Book: "Publicly and by arrangement reviling his father

in many unusual ways on the ground that he was a tyrant and was

forsworn." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 155, 1.)

4. The Sibyl about whom Lycophron is now speaking was the Cumaean, who

died in the time of Tarquin the Proud and left behind three or nine of

her prophetic books. Of these the Romans bought either one or three,

after the Sibyl's servant had destroyed the rest by fire because they

would not give her as much gold as she wanted. This they did later and

bought up either one that was left over or else three, and gave them to

Marcus Acilius to keep. Him they cast alive into the skin of an ox and

put to death because he had given them to be copied: but for the book or

books they dug a hole in the Forum and buried them along with a chest.

(Ioannes Tzetzes, scholia on Lycophr. 1279.)

5. ¶Lucius Junius, a son of Tarquinius's sister, in terror after the

king had killed his father and had moreover taken his property away

from him feigned madness, to the end that he might possibly survive.

For he well understood that every person possessed of sense,

especially when he is of a distinguished family, becomes an object of

suspicion to tyrants. And when once he had started on this plan he

acted it out with great precision, and for that reason was called

Brutus. This is the name that the Latins gave to idiots. Sent along

with Titus and Arruns as if he were a kind of plaything he carried a

staff as a votive offering, he said, to the gods, though it had no

great value so far as anyone could see. (Mai, p. 139.)

6. Dio in Book 2: "After that he was found in the Pythian god's

temple." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 139, 21.)

7. ¶They made sport of the gift [i. e. the staff] of Brutus, and when to

the enquiry of the ambassadors as to who should succeed to the kingdom

of their father the oracle replied that the first to kiss his mother

should hold dominion over the Romans, he kissed the earth, pretending to

have fallen down by accident, for he regarded her as the mother of all

mankind. (Mai, p. 140.)

8. ¶Brutus overthrew the Tarquins for the following reason. During the

siege of Ardea the children of Tarquin were one day dining with Brutus

and Collatinus, since these two were of their own age and relatives;

and they fell into a discussion and finally into a dispute about the

virtue of their wives,--each one giving the preference to his own

spouse. And, as all the women happened to be absent from the camp,

they decided straightaway that night, before they could be announced,

to take horse and ride away to all of them simultaneously. This they

did, and found all engaged in a carousal except Lucretia, wife of

Collatinus, whom they discovered at work on wool. This fact about her

becoming noised abroad led Sextus to desire to outrage her. Perchance

he even felt some love for her, since she was of surpassing beauty;

still it was rather her reputation than her body that he desired to

ruin. He watched for an opportunity when Collatinus was among the

Rutuli, hurried to Collatia, and coming by night to her house as that

of a kinswoman obtained both food and lodging. At first he tried to

persuade her to grant her favors to him, but as he could not succeed

he attempted force. When he found he could make no progress by this

means either, he devised a plan by which in the most unexpected way he

compelled her to submit voluntarily to be debauched. To his

declaration that he would cut her throat she paid no attention, and

his statement that he would make away with one of the servants she

listened to in contempt. When, however, he threatened to lay the body

of the servant beside her and spread the report that he had found them

sleeping together and killed them he was no longer to be resisted: and

she, fearing it might be believed that this had so happened, chose to

yield to him and die after giving an account of the affair rather than

lose her good name in perishing at once. For this reason she did not

refuse to commit adultery, but afterward she made ready a dagger

beneath the pillow and sent for her husband and her father. As soon as

they had come she shed many tears, then spoke with a sigh: "Father, I

utter your name because I have disgraced it less than my husband's.

It is no honorable deed I have done this last night, but Sextus forced

me, threatening to kill me and a slave together and pretend he had

found me sleeping with the man. This threat compelled me to sin, to

prevent you from believing that such a thing had taken place. And I,

because I am a woman, will treat my case as becomes me: but do you, if

you are men and care for your wives and for your children, avenge me,

free yourselves, and show the tyrants what manner of creatures you are

and what manner of woman they have outraged." Having spoken to this

effect she did not wait for any reply but immediately drawing the

dagger from its hiding place stabbed herself. (Valesius, p. 574.)

9. Dio, Second Book: "And he [Footnote: Van Herweiden's reading is the

one adopted in this doubtful passage.] went outside of Roman territory

making frequent trials of neighboring peoples." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 164,

25.)

1. ¶All crowds of people judge measures according to the men who

direct them, and of whatever sort they ascertain the men to be, they

believe that the measures are of the same sort. (Mai, p. 140.)

[Frag. XI]

2. Every one prefers the untried to the well known, attaching great

hope to the uncertain in comparison with what has already gained his

hatred. (Ib.)

3. All changes are very dangerous, and especially do those in

governments work the greatest and most numerous evils to both

individuals and state. Sensible men, therefore, decide to remain under

the same forms continually, even if they be not very good, rather than

by changing to have now one, now another, and be continually

wandering. (Ib.)

4. Dio, 2nd Book: "When he had learned this he accordingly both came

to them the following day [lacuna]" (Bekker, Anecd., p. 178, 20.)

5. In 3rd Book of Dio: "Whose father also ruled you blamelessly."

(Ib., p. 120, 24.)

6. Dio's 3rd Book: "Of the fact that he loves you, you could get no

greater proof than his eagerness to live in your midst and his action

in having his possessions long since brought here." (Ib., p. 139, 26,

and p. 164, 28.)

7. Dio's 3rd Book: "How would it pay any one to do this?" (Ib, p.

155,14.)

8. Dio's 3rd Book: "As Romulus also enjoined upon us." (Ib., p. 139,

29.)

9. ¶Every person comes to possess wishes and desires according to his

fortune and whatever his circumstances be, of like nature are also the

opinions he acquires. (Mai, p. 141.)

10. ¶The business of kingship, more than any other, demands not merely

virtue, but also great understanding and intelligence, and it is not

possible without these qualities for the man who takes hold of it to

show moderation. Many, for example, as if raised unexpectedly to some

great height, have not endured their elevation, but startled from

their senses have fallen and made failures of themselves and have

shattered all the interests of their subjects. (Mai, ib.)

11. With regard to the future form a judgment from what they have

done, but do not be deceived by what they as suppliants falsely

pretend. Unholy deeds proceed in every case from a man's real purpose,

but any one may concoct creditable phrases. Hence judge from what a

man has done, not from what he says he will do. (Mai, ib.)

12. 3rd Book of Dio: "It is done not merely by the actual men who rule

them, but also by those who share the power with those rulers."

(Bekker, Anecd. p.130, 23, and p.164, 32.)

In the preceding fragment we have, apparently, some comment of Dio

himself on the change in the Roman government (from monarchy to

republic) together with scraps of two speeches,--namely, that of the

envoys of Tarquinius to the Roman people, and that of Brutus in reply.

[Frag. XII]

1. ¶Valerius, the colleague of Brutus, although he had proved himself

the most democratic of men came near being murdered in short order by

the multitude: they suspected him, in fact, of being eager to become

sole sovereign. They would have slain him, indeed, had he not quickly

anticipated their action by courting their favor. He entered the

assembly and bent the rods which he had formerly used straight, and

took away the surrounding axes that were bound in with them. After he

had in this way assumed an attitude of humility, he kept a sad

countenance for some time and shed tears: and when he at last managed

to utter a sound, he spoke in a low fearful voice with a suggestion of

a quaver. [The general subject is speechmaking.] (Mai, p. 141.)

2. On account of whom (plur.) also [Collatinus] was enraged.

Consequently Brutus so incited the populace against him that they came

near slaying him on the spot. They did not quite do this, however, but

compelled him to resign without delay. They chose as colleague to the

consul in his place Publius Valerius, who had the additional title of

Poplicola. This appellation translated into Greek signifies "friend of

the people" or "most democratic." (Zonaras, 7, 12. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_

XIV.)

[Frag. XIII]

¶The temple of Jupiter was dedicated by Horatius, as determined by

lot, although Valerius made the declaration that his son was dead, and

arranged to have this news brought to him during the very performance

of his sacred office, with the purpose that Horatius under the blow of

the misfortune and because in general it was impious for any one in

grief to fulfill the duties of priest, should yield to him the

dedication of the structure. The other did not refuse credence to the

report--for it was noised abroad by many trustworthy persons--yet he

did not surrender his ministry: on the contrary, after bidding some

men to leave unburied the body of his son, as if it were a stranger's,

in order that he might seem unconcerned regarding the rites due to it,

he then performed all the necessary ceremonies. (Valesius, p.577.)

[Frag. XIV]

1. (Tarquinius continued to supplicate Klara Porsina.) (Zonaras, 7,

12. Cp. Tzetz. Hist. 6, 201. Plutarch, Poplic. 16, has "Lara

Porsina.")

2. Dio in 4th Book: "But they overran the Roman territory and harried

everything up to the wall." (Bekker, Anecd. p.152, 3 and 1.) 3.

Larta Porsenna, an Etruscan, or, perhaps, Klara Porsenna, was

proceeding against Rome with a great army. But Mucius, a noble Roman

soldier, after equipping himself in arms and dress of Etruscans then

started to spy upon them, wishing to kill Porsenna. Beside the latter

at that time was sitting his secretary, who in the Etruscan tongue was

called Clusinus; and Mucius, doubtful which might be the king, killed

Clusinus instead of the king. The man was arrested, and when Porsenna

asked him: "Why in the world did you do this thing? What injury had

you received from him?" the other cried out: "I happen to be not

Etruscan but Roman; and three hundred others of like mind with me who

are now hunting thee to slay thee." This he had spoken falsely; and,

with his right hand thrust into the fire, he gazed on Porsenna as

though another were suffering: and when the prince enquired: "Why do

you look fixedly upon us?" he said: "Reflecting how I erred in failing

to slay thee and in thy stead killed one whom I thought Porsenna." And

when Porsenna exclaimed: "You shall now become my friend!" Mucius

rejoined: "If thou becom'st a Roman." Porsenna admiring the man for

his uprightness becomes a friend to the Romans and checks the tide of

battle. (Tzetzes, Chiliades, VI, 201-223.)

(Cp. Scholia on John Tzetzes's Letters in Cramer's Anecd. Oxon., vol.

III, p.360, 30: "Clusinus was the name of Porsenna's secretary,

according to what Dio says"; and Zonaras, 7, 12: "Drawing his sword he

killed his secretary, who was sitting beside him and was similarly

arrayed.")

4. Dio's 4th Book: "And he [Footnote: Porsenna.] presented to the maiden

[Footnote: Claelia] both arms (or so some say) and a horse." (Bekker,

Anecd. p.133, 8.)

5. After this the Tarquins endeavored on several occasions, by forming

alliances with tribes bordering on Roman dominions, to recover the

kingdom; but they were all destroyed in the battles save the sire,

who, moreover, was called Superbus (or, as a Greek would say, Proud).

Subsequently he found his way to Cyme of Opicia and there died. Thus

the careers of the Tarquins reached a conclusion. And after their

expulsion from the kingdom consuls, as has been stated, were chosen by

the Romans. One of these was Publius Valerius, who became consul four

times,--the one to whom also the name Poplicola was applied. (Zonaras

7, 12 sq. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)

6. And the management of the funds they assigned to others in order

that the men holding the consular office might not possess the great

influence that would spring from their having the revenues in their

power. Now for the first time "stewards" began to be created and they

called them _quaestors_. These in the first place tried capital cases,

from which fact they have obtained this title,--on account of their

_questionings_ and on account of their search for truth as the result

of _questionings_. But later they acquired also management of the

public funds and received the additional name of Stewards ([Greek:

tamiai]). After a time the courts were delivered over to different

persons, while these officials were managers of the funds. (Zonaras 7,

13. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_, XIV.)

7. Dio's 4th Book: "And they provided them [Footnote: Probably a

reference to the quaestors.] with separate titles besides in general

making very different provision for them in the different cases."

(Bekker, Anecd. p.133, 16.)

8. Dio in 5th Book: "The lords filling them with hope on certain

points." (Ib. p.140, 10.)

9. Dio in 5th Book: "With this accordingly he honored him." (Ib.

p.175, 19.)

[Frag. XV]

¶To a large extent success consists in planning secretly, acting at the

opportune moment, following one's own counsel somewhat, and in having no

chance to fall back upon any one else, but being obliged to take upon

one's self the responsibility for the issue, however it turns out.

[Footnote: Fragment XV may perhaps be a comment on dictatorships.]

(Mai, p.142.)

[Frag. XVI]

1. They had recourse to civil strife. And the reason is plain. Those

whose money gave them influence desired to surpass their inferiors in

all respects as though they were their sovereigns, and the weaker

citizens, sure of their own equal rights, were unwilling to obey them

even in some small point. The one class, insatiate of freedom, sought

to enjoy the property of the other; and this other, uncontrolled in

its pride of place, to enjoy the fruits of the former's labors. So it

was that they sundered their former relations, wherein they were wont

harmoniously to assist each other with mutual profit, and no longer

made distinctions between foreign and native races. Indeed, both

disdained moderation, and the one class set its heart upon an extreme

of dominion, the other upon an extreme of resistance to voluntary

servitude; consequently they missed the results accomplished by their

previous allied efforts and inflicted many striking injuries, partly

in defence against each other's movements and partly by way of

anticipating them. More than all the rest of mankind they were at

variance save in the midst of particularly threatening dangers that

they incurred in the course of successive wars,--wars due chiefly to

their own dissensions; and for the sake of the respite many prominent

men on several occasions brought on these conflicts purposely. This,

then, was the beginning of their suffering more harm from each other

than from outside nations. And the complexion of their difficulties

inspires me to pronounce that it was impossible that they should be

deprived of either their power or their sway, unless they should lose

it through their own contentions. (Mai, ib.)

2. They were especially irritated that the senators were not of the

same mind after obtaining something from them as they were while

requesting it, but after making them numbers of great promises while

in the midst of danger failed to perform the slightest one of them

when safety had been secured. (Mai, p.143.)

3. So to the end that they might not fight in a compact mass, but each

division struggle separately for its own position and so become easier

to handle, they divided the army. [Footnote: Cp. Livy, II, 30.] (Ib.)

4. ¶The populace, as soon as Valerius the dictator became a private

citizen, began a most bitter contest, going so far even as to overturn

the government. The well-to-do classes insisted, in the case of debts,

upon the very letter of the agreement, refusing to abate one iota of

it, and so they both failed to secure its fulfillment and came to be

deprived of many other advantages; they had failed to recognize the

fact that an extreme of poverty is the heaviest of curses and that the

desperation which results from it is, especially if shared by a large

number of persons, very difficult to combat. This is why not a few

politicians voluntarily choose the course which is expedient in

preference to that which is absolutely just. Justice is often worsted

in an encounter with human nature and sometimes suffers total

extinction, whereas expediency, by parting with a mere fragment of

justice, preserves the greater portion of it intact.

Now the cause of most of the troubles that the Romans had lay in the

unyielding attitude adopted by the more powerful class toward its

inferiors. Many remedies were afforded them against delays in payment

of debts, one of which was that in case it happened that several

persons had been lending to anybody, they had authority to divide his

body piecemeal according to the proportionate amounts that he was

owing. Yet, however much this principle had been declared legal, still

it had surely never been put into practice. For how could a nation

have proceeded to such lengths of cruelty when it frequently granted

to those convicted of some crime a refuge for their preservation and

allowed such as were thrust from the cliffs of the Capitoline to live

in case they should survive the experience? (Mai, p.143. Cp. Zonaras.

7, 14.)

5. ¶Those who were owing debts took possession of a certain hill and

having placed one Gaius at their head proceeded to secure their food

from the country as from hostile territory, thereby demonstrating that

the laws were weaker than arms, and justice than their desperation.

The senators being in terror both that this party might become more

estranged and that the neighboring tribes in view of the crisis might

join in an attack upon them proposed terms to the rebels offering

everything that they hoped might please them. The seceders at first

were for brazening it out, but were brought to reason in a remarkable

way. When they kept up a series of disorderly shouts, Agrippa, one of

the envoys, begged them to hearken to a fable and having obtained

their consent spoke as follows. Once all the Members of Man began a

contention against the Belly, saying that they worked and toiled

without food or drink, being at the beck and call of the Belly in

everything, whereas it endured no labor and alone got its fill of

nourishment. And finally they voted that the Hands should no longer

convey aught to the Mouth nor the latter receive anything, to the end

that the Belly might so far as possible come to lack both food and

drink and so perish. Now when this measure was determined and put into

execution, at first the entire body began to wither away and next it

collapsed and gave out. Accordingly, the members through their own

evil state grew conscious that the Belly was the salvation of them and

restored to it its nourishment.

On hearing this the multitude comprehended that the abundance of the

prosperous also supports the condition of the poor; therefore they

showed greater mildness and accepted a reconciliation on being granted

a release from their debts and from seizures therefor. This then, was

voted by the senate. (Mai, p.144. Cp. Zonaras 7, 14.) The account of

John of Antioch, frag. 46 (Mueller, fr. hist gr. IV, p.556) regarding

this secession of the plebs seems to have been taken from intact books

of Dio. (Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV, p.44, note 1; also G. Sotiriadis,

Zur Kritik des Johannes von Antiochia, Supplem. annal. philol. vol.

XVI, p.50.)

6. And it seemed to be most inconsistent with human conditions, and to

many others also, some willingly, some unwillingly [lacuna]

¶Whenever many men gathered in a compact body seek their own

advantage by violence, for the time being they have some equitable

agreement and display boldness, but later they become separated and

are punished on various pretexts. (Mai, p.146. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 15.)

7. Through the tendency, natural to most persons, to differ with their

fellows in office (it is always difficult for a number of men to

attain harmony, especially in a position of any influence)--through

this natural tendency, then, all their power was dissipated and torn

to shreds. None of their resolutions was valid in case even one of

them opposed it. They had originally received their office for no

other purpose than to resist such as were oppressing their

fellow-citizens, and thus he who tried to prevent any measure from

being carried into effect was sure to prove stronger than those who

supported it. (Mai, ib. Cp. Zonaras 7, 15.)

[Frag. XVII]

1. For it is not easy for a man either to be strong at all points or

to possess excellence in both departments,--war and peace,--at once.

Those who are physically strong are, as a rule, weak-minded and

success that has come in unstinted measure generally does not

luxuriate equally well everywhere. This explains why after having

first been exalted by the citizens to the foremost rank he was not

much later exiled by them, and how it was that after making the city

of the Volsci a slave to his country he with their aid brought his own

land in turn into an extremity of danger. (Mai, p. 146. Cp. Zonaras

7,16.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 491 (_a.u._ 263)] 2. ¶The same man wished to be made

praetor, and upon failing to secure the office became angry at the

populace; and in his displeasure at the great influence of the tribunes

he employed greater frankness in speaking to that body than was

attempted by others whose deeds entitled them to the same rank as

himself. A severe famine occurring at the same time that a town Norba

needed colonizing, the multitude censured the powerful classes on both

these points, maintaining that they were being deprived of food and were

being purposely delivered into the hands of enemies for manifest

destruction. Whenever persons come to suspect each other, they take

amiss everything even that is done in their behalf, and yield wholly to

their belligerent instincts. Coriolanus had invariably evinced contempt

for the people, and after grain had been brought in from many sources

(most of it sent as a gift from princes in Sicily) he would not allow

them to receive allotments of it as they were petitioning. Accordingly,

the tribunes, whose functions he was especially eager to abolish,

brought him to trial before the populace on a charge of aiming at

tyranny and drove him into exile. It availed nothing that all his peers

exclaimed and expressed their consternation at the fact that tribunes

dared to pass such sentences upon _their_ order. So on being expelled he

betook himself, raging at his treatment, to the Volsci, though they had

been his bitterest foes. His valor, of which they had had a taste, and

the wrath that he cherished toward his fellow-citizens gave him reason

to expect that they would receive him gladly, since they might hope,

thanks to him, to inflict upon the Romans injuries equal to what they

had endured, or even greater. When one has suffered particular damage at

the hands of any party, one is strongly inclined to believe in the

possibility of benefit from the same party in case it is willing and

also able to confer favors. (Mai, p.147. Cp. Zonaras 7, 16.) 3. For he

was very angry that they, who were incurring danger for their own

country would not even under these conditions withdraw from the

possessions of others. When, accordingly, this news also was brought,

the men did not cease any the more from factional strife. They were,

indeed, so bitterly at variance that they could be reconciled not even

by dangers. But the women, Volumnia the wife of Coriolanus and Veturia

his mother, gathering a company of the other most eminent ladies visited

him in camp and took his children with them; and they caused him to end

the war not only without requiring the submission of the country, but

without even demanding restoration from exile. For he admitted them at

once as soon as he learned they were there, and granted them a

conversation, the course of which was as follows. While the rest wept

without speaking Veturia began: "Why are you surprised, my child? Why

are you startled? We are not deserters, but the country has sent to you,

if you should yield, your mother and wife and children, if otherwise,

your spoil; hence, if even now you still are angry, kill us first. Why

do you weep? Why turn away? Can you fail to know how we have just ceased

lamenting the affairs of state, in order that we might see you? Be

reconciled to us, then, and retain no longer your anger against your

citizens, friends, temples, tombs; do not come rushing down into the

city with hostile wrath nor take by storm your native land in which you

were born, were reared, and became Coriolanus, bearer of this great

name. Yield to me, my child, and send me not hence without result,

unless you would see me dead by own hand."

At the end of this speech she sighed aloud, and tearing open her

clothing showed her breasts, and touching her abdomen exclaimed: "See,

my child, this brought you forth, these reared you up." When she had

said this, his wife and the children and the rest of the women joined

in the lament, so that he too was cast into grief. Recovering himself

at length with difficulty he embraced his mother and at the same time

kissing her replied: "Mother, I yield to you. Yours is the victory,

and let the other men, too, bestow their gratitude for this upon you.

For I can not endure even to see them, who after receiving such great

benefits at hands have treated me in such a way. Hence I never even

enter the city. Do you keep the country instead of me, since you have

so wished it, and I will take myself out of the way of you all."

Having spoken thus he withdrew. For through fear of the multitude and

shame before his peers, in that he had made an expedition against them

at all he would not accept even the safe return offered him, but

retired among the Volsci, and there, either as the result of a plot or

from old age, died. (Mai, p.148. Zonaras, 7, 16. Cp. John Tzetzes,

Letters, 6, p.9, 16.)

4. Dio Cocceianus himself and numberless others who have set forth the

deeds of the Romans, tell the story of this Marcus Coriolanus. This

Marcus, as he was formerly called and later Gnaeus, had along with

these the name of Coriolanus. When the Romans were warring against the

city of Coriolanus [_sic_], and had all turned to flight at full

speed, the man himself turned toward the hostile city and finding it

open alone set fire to it. As the flames rose brilliantly he mounted

his horse and with great force fell upon the rear of the barbarians,

who were bringing headlong flight upon the Romans. They wheeled about

and when they saw the fire consuming the city, thinking it was sacked

they fled in another direction. He, having saved the Romans and sacked

the city, which we have already said was called Coriolanus, received,

in addition to his former names Marcus and Gnaeus, the title of

Coriolanus, from the rout. But (the usual treatment that jealousy

accords to benefactors) after a little in the course of reflections

they fine the man. The man excessively afflicted with most just wrath

leaves his wife, his mother, and his country, and goes to the Corioli,

and they receive the man. Then after that they arrayed themselves

against the Romans. And had not his spouse and mother at the breaking

out of that war run and torn apart their tunics and stood about him

naked,--Veturia and Volumnia were their names,--and checked him with

difficulty from the battle against the Romans, Rome would have made a

resolve to honor benefactors. But brought to a halt by the prayers of

his mother and of his spouse he stopped the war against the Romans,

and he himself leaving behind the Corioli and the Romans hurried to

another land, smitten by sorrow. (Tzetzes, Hist. 6, 527-560. Cp.

Haupt, _Hermes_, XIV.)

5. I pass over mention of the noble Marcus Coriolanus, and with Marcus

himself also Marcus Corvinus; of whom the one, having sacked unaided a

city named Coriolanus and burned it down, although the entire army of

the Romans had been routed, was called Coriolanus, though otherwise

termed Marcus. (Tzetzes, Hist. 3, 856-861.)

[Frag. XVIII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 486 (_a.u._ 268)] Cassius after benefiting the Romans

was put to death by that very people. So that thereby it is made plain

that there is no element deserving confidence in multitudes. On the

contrary they destroy men who are altogether devoted to them no less

than men guilty of the greatest wrongs. With respect to the interest of

the moment on various occasions they deem those great who are the cause

of benefits to them, but when they have profited to the full by such

men's services they no longer regard them as having any nearer claims

than bitterest foes. For Cassius, although he indulged them, they killed

because of the very matters on which he prided himself: and it is

manifest that he perished through envy and not as a result of some

injustice committed. (Mai, p.150.)

[Frag. XIX]

1. For the men from time to time in power when they became unable to

restrain them by any other method stirred up purposely wars after wars

in order that they might be kept busy attending to those conflicts and

not disturb themselves about the land. (Mai, ib. Zonaras 7, 17.)

2. At any rate they were so inflamed with rage by each of the two as

to promise with an oath victory to their generals: with regard to the

immediate attack they thought themselves actually lords of fortune.

(Mai, p.150.)

3. ¶It is natural for the majority of the human race to quarrel with

any opposing force even beyond what is to its own advantage and upon

those who yield to bestow a benefit in turn even beyond its power.

(Mai, p.151.)

[Frag. XX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 477 (_a.u._ 277)] 1. ¶The Fabii, who on the basis of

birth and wealth made pretensions equal with the noblest, very quickly

indeed saw that they were dejected. For when persons involve themselves

in many undertakings that are at the same time hard to manage, they can

discover no device for confronting the multitude and array of dangers,

and give up as hopeless quite easy projects: after which their sober

judgments and, contrary to what one would expect, their very opinions

cause them to lose heart and they voluntarily abandon matters in hand

with the idea that their labor will be but vain; finally they surrender

themselves to unforseen dispensations of Heaven and await whatever

Chance may bring. (Mai, p.151. Zonaras 7,17.)

2. ¶The Fabii, three hundred and six in number, were killed, by the

Etruscans. Thus the arrogance which arises from confidence in valor is

ofttimes ruined by its very boldness, and the boastfulness which comes

from good fortune runs mad and suffers a complete reverse. (Mai, ib.

Zonaras 7, 17.)

3. For whom (plur.) the Romans grieved, both in private and with

public demonstrations, to a greater degree than the number of the lost

would seem to warrant. That number was not small, especially since it

was composed entirely of patricians, but they further felt, when they

stopped to consider the reputation and the resolute spirit of these

men that all their strength had perished. For this reason they

inscribed among the accursed days that one on which they had been

destroyed and put under the ban the gates through which they had

marched out, so that no magistrate might pass through them. And they

condemned Titus Menenius the praetor,--it was in his year that the

disaster took place,--when he was later accused before the people of

not having assisted the unfortunates and of having been subsequently

defeated in battle. (Valesius, p.578.)

[Frag. XXI]

1. ¶The patricians openly took scarcely any retaliatory measures,

except in a few cases, where they adjured some one of the gods, but

secretly slaughtered a number of the boldest spirits. Nine tribunes on

one occasion were delivered to the flames by the populace. This did

not, however, restrain the rest: on the contrary, those who in turn

held the tribuneship after that occurrence were rather filled with

hope in the matter of their own quarrels than with fear as a result of

the fate of their predecessors. Hence, so far from being calmed, they

were even the more emboldened by those very proceedings. For they put

forward the torture of the former tribunes as a justification of the

vengeance they would take really in their own behalf; and they got

great pleasure out of the idea that they might possibly, contrary to

expectation, survive without harm. The consequence was that some of

the patricians, being unable to accomplish anything in the other way,

transferred themselves to the ranks of the populace: they thought its

humble condition far preferable, considered in the light of their

desire for the tribunician power, to the weakness of their own

ornamental titles,--especially so because many held the office a

second and third and even greater number of times in succession,

although there was a prohibition against any one's taking the position

twice. (Mai, p. 152. Zonaras 7, 17.)

2. ¶ The populace was incited to this course by the patricians

themselves. For the policy which the latter pursued with an eye to

their own advantage, that of always having some wars in readiness for

them, so that the people might be compelled by the dangers from

without to practice moderation,--this policy, I say, only rendered the

people bolder. By refusing to go on a campaign unless they obtained

in each instance the objects of their striving and by contending

listlessly whenever they did take the field, they accomplished all

that they desired. Meanwhile, as a matter of fact, not a few of the

neighboring tribes, relying on the dissension of their foes more than

on their own power, kept revolting. (Mai, ib. Zonaras 7, 17.)

[Frag. XXII]

1. ¶The AEqui after capturing Tusculum and conquering Marcus [Footnote:

Other accounts give his name as _Lucius_ or _Quintus_.] Minucius became

so proud that, in the case of the Roman ambassadors whom the latter

people sent to chide them regarding the seizure of the place, they made

no answer at all to the censure but after designating by the mouth of

their general, Cloelius Gracchus, a certain oak, bade them speak to it,

if they desired aught. (Ursinus, p.373. Zonaras 7, 17.)

2. That the Romans on learning that Minucius with some followers had

been intercepted in a low-lying, bushy place elected as dictator

against the enemy Lucius Quintius, in spite of the fact that he was a

poor man and at the time was engaged in tilling with his own hands the

little piece of ground which was his sole possession: for in general

he was the peer in valor of the foremost and was distinguished by his

wise moderation; though he did let his hair grow in curls, from which

practice he received the nickname of Cincinnatus. (Valesius, p.578.

Zonaras 7, 17.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 449 (_a.u._ 305)] 2. ¶Affairs of state and camp alike

were thrown into confusion. For the men under arms in their zealous

eagerness that no success should attend those who held the power

voluntarily surrendered both public and private interests. The other

side, too, took no pleasure in the death of their own members at the

hands of opponents, but themselves likewise destroyed in some convenient

manner many of the most active persons who espoused the cause of the

populace. As a result no small contention arose between them. (Mai,

p.153. Zonaras, 7, 18.)

3. For they [Footnote: This must mean the "military tribunes with

consular powers."]reached such a pitch of emulation and next of jealous

rivalry of one another that they no longer, as the custom had been, all

held office as one body, but each of them individually in turn; and the

consequence was by no means beneficial. Since each one of them had in

view his own profit and not the public weal and was more willing that

the State should be injured, if it so happened, than that his colleagues

should obtain credit, many unfortunate occurrences took place. (Mai,

ib.)

4. ¶Democracy consists not in all winning absolutely the same prizes,

but in every man's obtaining his deserts. [Footnote: Seemingly an excerpt

from a speech of one of the optimates, though possibly a remark by Dio

himself.] (Mai, p.154.)

[Frag. XXIII]

1[lacuna]. to have happened as the law of triumphs enjoins, about which

Dio Cocceianus writes. And if it seems to you an irksome thing to delve

into books of ancient writers, at all events I will explain cursorily,

as best I may, the entertainments pertaining to the triumph. They cause

the celebrator of the triumph to ascend a car, smear his face with earth

of Sinope or cinnabar (representing blood) to screen his blushes, fasten

armlets on his arms, and put a laurel wreath and a branch of laurel in

his right hand. Upon his head they also place a crown of some kind of

wood having inscribed upon it his exploits or his experiences. A public

slave, standing in the back part of the chariot holds up the crown,

saying in his ear: "See also what comes after." Bells and a whip dangle

from the pole of the chariot. Next he runs thrice about the place in a

circle, mounts the stairs on his knees and there lays aside the

garlands. After that he departs home, accompanied by musicians. (Tzetzes

Epist. 107, p. 86.)

[Therefore the following words of Zonaras (7, 21) correspond nearly

with those of Dio, concerning the popular anger against Camillus on

account of his triumph (according to Plutarch's Camillus, Chap.

7).--Editor]

The celebration of the triumphal festivities, which they called

_thriambos_, was of somewhat the following nature. When any great

success, worthy of a triumph, had been gained, the general was

immediately saluted as imperator by the soldiers, and he would bind

twigs of laurel upon the rods and deliver them to the runners to

carry, who announced the victory to the city. On arriving home he

would assemble the senate and ask to have the triumph voted him. And

if he obtained a vote from the senate and from the people, his title

of imperator was confirmed. If he still held the office in the course

of which he happened to be victorious, he continued to enjoy it while

celebrating the festival; but if the term of his office had expired,

he received some other name connected with it, since it was forbidden

a private individual to hold a triumph. Arrayed in the triumphal dress

he took armlets, and with a laurel crown upon his head and holding a

branch in his right hand he called together the people. After praising

his comrades of the campaign he presented some both publicly and

privately with money: he honored them also with decorations, and upon

some he bestowed armlets and spears without the iron; crowns, too, he

gave to some of gold and to others of silver, bearing the name of each

man and the representation of his particular feat. For example, either

a man had been first to mount a wall and the crown bore the figure of

a wall, or he had captured some point by storm, and a likeness of that

particular place had been made. A man might have won a battle at sea

and the crown had been adorned with ships, or one might have won a

cavalry fight and some equestrian figure had been represented. He who

had rescued a citizen from battle or other peril, or from a siege, had

the greatest praise and would receive a crown fashioned of oak, which

was esteemed as far more honorable than all, both the silver and the

gold. And these rewards would be given not only to men singly, as each

had shown his prowess, but were also bestowed upon cohorts and whole

armies. Much of the spoils was likewise assigned to the sharers in the

campaign. Some have been known to extend their distributions even to

the entire populace and have gone to expense for the festival and

obtained public appropriations: if anything was left over, they would

spend it for temples, porticos or for some public work.

After these ceremonies the triumphator ascended his chariot. Now the

chariot did not resemble one used in games or in war, but had been

made in the shape of a round tower. And he would not be alone in the

chariot, but if he had children or relatives he would make the girls

and the infant male children get up beside him in it and place those

who were grown upon the horses, outriggers as well as the yoke-pair.

If these were many, they would accompany the procession on chargers,

riding along beside the triumphator. None of the rest rode, but all

went on foot wearing laurel wreaths. A public servant, however, rode

also upon the chariot itself holding over him the crown made of

precious stones set in gold and kept saying to him "Look behind!", the

"behind" meaning naturally "Look ahead at the ensuing years of life,

and do not be elated or puffed up by your present fortune." Both a

bell and a whip were fastened to the chariot, signifying that it was

possible for him to meet misfortune as well, to the extent of being

disgraced or condemned to death. It was customary for those who had

been condemned to die for any offence to wear a bell, to the end that

no one should approach them as they walked along and so be affected

with pollution.

Thus arrayed they entered the city, having at the head of the

procession the spoils and trophies and in images the captured forts

displayed, cities and mountains and rivers, lakes, seas,--everything

that they had taken. If one day sufficed for the exhibition of these

things in procession, well and good: otherwise, the celebration was

held during a second and a third. When these adjuncts had gone on

their way the triumphator reached the Roman Forum and after commanding

that some of the captives be led to prison and put to death he rode up

to the Capitol. There, when he had fulfilled certain rites and had

brought offerings and had dined in the buildings on the hill, toward

evening he departed homeward, accompanied by flutes and pipes.

Such were the triumphs in old times. Factions and powerful cliques

attempted very frequently revolutionary movements on those occasions.

All the matters pertaining to the triumphal, the curule chair the

letter contains. What need to write again? How after anointing with

cinnabar or else Sinopian earth the man who held a triumph they put

him on a chariot and placed upon his head a golden crown bearing

plainly marked all he had accomplished: in the man's hand they lay a

laurel sprig; armlets they clasp about his arms: they crown all who

had gained distinction with crowns made out of silver material

inscribed with the feats of daring; and how upon the chariot a public

slave stands behind him holding up the crown and saying in his ear:

"see also what comes after"--all things important the letter contains.

(Tzetzes, Hist. 13, 41-54.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 395 (_a.u._ 359)] 2. ¶ The Romans after fighting many

battles against the Falisci, [Footnote: Perhaps Dio wrote _Fidenates_ or

_Veientes_ (Livy, IV, 32), and _Falisci_ is due to the copyist,

although, to be sure, there were wars with the last named (Livy, IV,

18). Whether the transference of Juno from Veii to Rome (Livy, V, 22) or

the lectisternia just established about this time (Livy, V, 13)

constitutes the topic discussed is a matter respecting which scholars

differ.] and after many sufferings and achievements as well, despised

their ancestral rites and took up with foreign ones in the idea that the

latter would suffice them. Human nature is for some reason accustomed in

trouble to scorn what is usual even though it be divine, and to admire

the untried. Thinking, as men do, that they are not helped by it at the

present, they expect no benefit in the future, but from what is strange

they hope to accomplish whatever they may wish, by means of its novelty.

(Mai, p. 153.)

3. ¶ The Romans, who were besieging the city of the Falisci would have

consumed much time encamped before it, had not an incident of the

following nature occurred. A school teacher of the place who instructed

a number of children of good family, either under the influence of anger

or through hope of gain led them all outside the wall, supposedly for

some different purpose from his real one. They had so great an abundance

of courage that they followed him even then. And he took them to

Camillus, saying that in their persons he surrendered to him the whole

city: for the inhabitants would no longer resist them when those dearest

to them were held prisoners. However, he [Sidenote: B.C. 393 (_a.u._

361)] to accomplish aught; for Camillus, filled with a sense of the

conduct proper for Romans and also of the liability to failure of human

plans, would not agree to take them by treachery: instead, he bound the

traitor's hands behind his back and delivered him to the children

themselves to lead home again.

After this episode the Falisci held out no longer, but in spite of the

fact that they were securely entrenched and had ample resources to

continue the war nevertheless came to terms voluntarily. They felt sure

it would be no ordinary friendship that they would enjoy at the hands of

one, whom, as an enemy even, they had found so just. (Valesius, p. 578.

Cp. Zonaras, 7, 22.)

4. Accordingly Camillus became on this account an object of even

greater jealousy to the citizens, and he was indicted by the tribunes

on the charge of not having benefited the public treasury with the

plunder of the Veii; and before the trial he voluntarily withdrew.

(Valesius, ib. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 22.)

5. In Dio's 7th Book: "When he had ended his term of office they

indicted him and imposed a money fine, not bringing him into danger of

his life." [Footnote: Boissevain believes that this fragment does not

refer to Camillus, and that the number of the Book is possibly a

corruption. He would locate it earlier.](Bekker, Anecd. p. 146, 21.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 393 (_a.u._ 361)]6. To such a degree did not only the

populace nor all those who were somewhat jealous of his reputation

merely, but his best friends and his relatives, too, feel envy toward

him that they did not even attempt to hide it. When he asked some of

them for support in his case, and others to deposit the money for his

release, they refused to assist him in regard to the vote but simply

promised, if he were convicted, to estimate the proper money value and

to help him pay the amount of the fine. This led him to take an oath in

anger that the city should have need of him; and he went over to the

Rutuli before accusation was brought against him. [Footnote: Very likely

the copyist erred here. The sense requires "before sentence was passed

upon him."] (Mai, p. 154. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 22.)

[Frag. XXIV]

[Sidenote: B.C. 391 (_a.u._ 363)] 1. ¶ The cause of the Gallic

expedition was this. The Clusini had endured hard treatment in the war

from the Gauls and fled for refuge to the Romans, having considerable

hope that they could obtain certainly some little help in that

quarter, from the fact that they had not taken sides with the people

of Veii, though of the same race. When the Romans failed to vote them

aid, but sent ambassadors to the Gauls and negotiated peace for them,

they came very near accepting it (it was offered them in return for a

part of the land); however, they attacked the barbarians after the

conference and took the Roman envoys into battle along with them. The

Gauls, vexed at seeing them on the opposite side, at first sent men to

Rome, preferring charges against the envoys. Since, however, no

punishment was visited upon the latter, but they were all, on the

contrary, appointed consular tribunes, they were filled with

wrath--being naturally quick to anger--and, as they held the Clusini

in contempt, started for Rome. (Ursinus, p.373. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 23.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 364 (_a.u._ 390)] 2. ¶ The Romans after withstanding

the inroads of the Gauls had no time to recover breath, but went

immediately from their march into battle, just as they were, and lost.

Panic-stricken by the unexpectedness of the invaders' hostile

expedition, by their numbers, their physical dimensions, and their

voices uttering some foreign and terrifying sound they forgot their

training in military science and after that lost possession of their

valor. A good comprehension contributes very largely to bravery, because

when present it confirms the strength of a man's resolution and when

lacking destroys the same more thoroughly by far, than if such a thing

had never existed at all. Many persons without experience often carry

things through by the violence of their spirit, but those who fail of

the discipline which they have learned lose also their strength of

purpose. This caused the defeat of the Romans. (Mai, p.154. Cp. Zonaras,

7, 23.)

3. Coclius Horatius was by race a Roman. He, when on one occasion the

army of the Romans had been routed, so that there was danger of their

opponents occupying Rome, alone withstood them all at the wooden

bridge, while Marcus cut it down behind Minucius. When it had been cut

down, Coclius too crossed the Tiber, having saved himself and Rome by

the cutting of the bridge. Yet, as he swam, he might have been struck

by a spear of the enemy. To him the senate presents lands (as a reward

for his excellent bravery) as much as he could mark out in a day with

cattle fastened to a plow. He was called Coclius in the Roman tongue

because he had lost one of his eyes before he fought. (Tzetzes, Hist.

3, 818-830. Cp. Haupt, _Hermes_ XIV.)

[Sidenote: B. C 364 (_a.u._ 390)] 4. ¶ The Romans who were on the

Capitol under siege had no hope of safety unless from heavenly powers.

So scrupulously did they observe the mandates of religion, although in

every extremity of evil, that when it was requisite for one of the

sacred rites to be performed by the pontifices in another part of the

city Caeso [Footnote: Very likely the copyist erred here. The sense

requires "before sentence was passed upon him."] Fabius, who exercised

the office of priest, descended for the purpose from the Capitol after

receiving his charge, as he had been accustomed to do, and passing

through the enemy performed the customary ceremony and returned the same

day. I am led to admire the barbarians on the one hand because either on

account of the gods or his bravery they spared him: and far more do I

feel admiration for the man himself for two reasons, that he dared to

descend alone among the enemy, and that when he might have withdrawn to

some place of safety he refused and instead voluntarily returned up the

Capitol again to a danger that he foresaw: he understood that they

hesitated to abandon the spot which was the only part of their country

they still held but saw at the same time that no matter how much they

desired to escape it was impossible to do so by reason of the multitude

of the besiegers. (Valesius, p.581.)

5. ¶ Camillus, being urged to let the leadership be entrusted to him,

would not allow it because he was an exile and could not take the

position according to time-honored usage. He showed himself so

law-abiding and exact a man that in so great a danger to his native

land he made precedent a matter of earnest thought and did not think

it right to hand down to posterity an example of lawlessness.

(Valesius, p.582. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 23.)

6. When Rome had been sacked by the Gauls, Brennus being at the head

of that expedition of theirs, as the Gauls were on the point of

capturing the Capitol by ascending secretly to the Acropolis at night,

a great outcry of geese arose in that quarter; and one Marcus Manlius

roused from sleep saw the enemy creeping up, and by striking some with

his oblong shield and slaying others with his sword he repulsed them

all and saved the Romans. For this they gave him the title of

Capitolinus, and in honor of the geese they have door-keepers as

guards in the palace in remembrance of their watch at that time, just

as earlier the Greeks in Athens called Pelargikon Geraneia (Crane-ry)

from such creatures. (Tzetzes, His. 830-842. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 23.)

[Frag. XXV]

[Sidenote: B.C. 384 (_a.u._ 370)] 1. ¶ The populace passed sentence

against Capitolinus, his house was razed to the ground, his money

confiscated, and his name and even likeness, if such anywhere existed,

were erased and destroyed. At the present day, too, all these

punishments, except the razing to the ground, are visited upon those who

conspire against the commonwealth. They gave judgment also that no

patrician should dwell upon the height because Capitolinus happened to

have had his house there. And his kinsmen among the Manlii prohibited

any one of their number from being named Marcus, since that appellation

had been his.

Capitolinus at any rate underwent a great reversal, both in his

character and in his fortune. Having made a specialty of warfare he

did not understand how to remain at peace; the Capitol he had once

saved he occupied for the purpose of establishing a tyranny; although

a patrician he became the prey of a house-servant; and whereas he was

deemed a warrior, he was arrested after the manner of a slave and

hurled down the very rock from which he had repulsed the Gauls.

(Valesius, p.582. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 24.)

2. ¶ Capitolinus was thrown headlong down the rock by the Romans. So

true it is that nothing in the affairs of men,--generally

speaking,--remains at it was; and success, in particular, leads many

people on into catastrophes equally serious. It raises their hopes,

makes them continually strive after like or greater results and, if

they fail, casts them into just the opposite condition. (Mai, p. 155.

Cp. Zonaras, 7, 24.)

3. This Marcus Manlius, who was once termed also Capitolinus, and fell

through seeking the tyranny, when about to be put to death by vote of

all the jurors was saved by their looking just then at the Capitol,

where he himself had performed famous deeds of valor,--until the one

who spoke against him, perceiving the cause, transferred the assembly

to another court-house from which the Capitol could not be seen at all

and so a remembrance spring up of his trophies. Then they kill him.

But on the other hand, even so, through the whole period the populace

of Rome wore black, recompensing the graces of his valor and the

inimitable manner of his distinguished behavior. (Tzetzes, Hist. 3,

843-855. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 24.)

[Frag. XXVI]

[Sidenote: B.C. 381 (_a.u._ 373)] 1. ¶ Camillus made a campaign against

the Tusculans, but thanks to the astonishing attitude that they adopted

they suffered no harm. For just as if they themselves were guilty of no

offence and the Romans entertained no anger toward them, but were either

coming to them as friends to friends or else marching through their

territory against some other tribes, they changed none of their

accustomed habits and were not in the least disturbed: instead, all

without exception remaining in their places, at their occupations and at

their other work just as in time of peace, received the army within

their borders, gave them hospitable gifts, and in other ways honored

them like friends. Consequently the Romans so far from doing them harm

enrolled them subsequently among the citizens. (Valesius, p.582.)

[Frag. XXVII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 376 (_a.u._ 378)] 2. In Dio's 7th Book: "Tusculans did

not raise their hands against him." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 123, 32.)

1. ¶ The wife of Rufus, while he was military tribune and engaged in

public service in the Forum was visited by her sister.[Footnote: Livy

and Valerius Maximus give his name as _Gaius_.] When the husband arrived

and the lichtor, according to some ancient custom, knocked at the door,

the visitor was alarmed at this having never previously had any such

experience and was startled. She was consequently the subject of hearty

laughter on the part of her sister and the rest alike and she was made a

butt for jests as one not at home in an official atmosphere because her

husband had never proved his capacity in any position of authority. She

took it terribly to heart, as women, from their littleness of soul,

usually do, and would not give up her resentment until she had thrown

all the city in an uproar. Thus small accidental events become, in some

cases, the cause of many great evils, when a person receives them with

jealousy and envy. (Mai, p.155. Zonaras, 7, 24)

2. ¶ In the midst of evils expectation of rescue has power to persuade

one to trust even in what is beyond reason. (Mai, p.156.)

3. For by their disputes they kept constantly enfeebling in one way or

another the good order of their government; consequently, all these

objects so to speak for which they were formerly accustomed to wage

the greatest wars they gained in time--not without factional quarrels,

to be sure, but still with small difficulty. (Mai, ib.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 368 (_a.u._ 386)] 4. ¶ Publius,[Footnote: The gap

existing from the word "Forum" to the end of the sentence is supplied by

Bekker's conjecture.] when the citizens of Rome were quarreling with one

another, nearly reconciled them. For he chose as master of the horse

Licinius Stolo, who was merely one of the populace.[Footnote: This is

Publius Manlius, the dictator (Livy, VI, 39).] This innovation grieved

the patricians, but conciliated the rest so much that they no longer

laid claim to the consulship for the following year, but allowed the

consular tribunes to be chosen. As a result of this they in turn yielded

some points one to the other, and perhaps would have made peace with

each other had not Stolo the tribune made such utterance as that they

should not drink unless they could eat and so persuaded them to

relinquish nothing, but to perform as inevitable duties all that they

had taken in hand. (Valesius, p.585.)

[Frag. XXVIII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 362 (_a.u._ 392)] 1. Dio Cassius Cocceianus, the

compiler of Roman history, states that as a result of the wrath of

Heaven a fissure opened in the ground round about Rome and would not

close. An oracular utterance having been obtained to the effect that the

fissure would close if they should throw into it the mightiest

possession of the Romans, one Curtius, a knight of noble birth, when no

one else was able to understand the oracle, himself interpreted it to

mean a horse and man together. Straightway he mounted his horse and,

just as he was, dashed heroically forward and passed down into that

frightful pit. No sooner had he rushed down the incline than the fissure

closed; and the rest of the Romans from above scattered flowers. From

this event the name of Curtius was applied also to a cellar. (Io.

Tzetzes, Scholia for the Interpretation of Homer's Iliad, p. 136, 17,

Cp. Zonaras, 7, 25.)

2. There is no mortal creature either better or stronger than man. Do

you not see that all the rest go downwards and look forever toward the

earth and accomplish nothing save what is closely connected with

eating and the propagation of their species? So they have been

condemned to these pursuits even by Nature herself. We alone gaze

upwards and associate with heaven itself and despise those things that

are on the earth, while we dwell with the gods themselves, believing

them to be similar to us inasmuch as we are both their offspring and

creations, not earthly but heavenly: for which reason we paint and

fashion those very beings according to our forms. For, if one may

speak somewhat boldly, man is naught else than a god with mortal body,

and a god naught else than a man without body and consequently

immortal. That is why we surpass all other creatures. And there is

nothing afoot which we do not enslave, overtaking it by speed or

subduing it by force or catching it by some artifice, nor yet aught

that lives in the water or travels the air: nay, even of these two

classes, we pull the former up from the depths without seeing them and

drag the latter down from the sky without reaching them. (Mai, p. 532.

Zonaras, 7, 25.)

[Frag. XXIX]

¶ Dio says: "Wherefore, although not accustomed to indulgence in

digressions, I have taken pains to make mention of it and have stated in

addition the Olympiad, in order that when most men forget the date of

the migration,[Footnote: This last clause is a conjecture by Reimar.] it

may, from the precaution mentioned, become less doubtful." (Mai, p.

156.)

[Frag. XXX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 353 (_a.u._ 401)] ¶ The Agyllaeans, when they ascertained

that the Romans wished to make war on them, despatched ambassadors to

Rome before any vote was taken, and obtained peace on surrender of half

their territory. (Ursinus, p. 374.)

[Frag. XXXI]

[Sidenote: B.C. 349 (_a.u._ 405)] Marcus Corvinus received the name of

Corvinus because when once engaged with a barbarian in single combat, he

had a savage crow as his ally in the battle, that flew at the eyes of

the barbarian until this Marcus killed him at that time. (Tzetzes, Hist.

3, 862-866. Cp. Zonaras, 7, 25.)

[Frag. XXXII]

1. These proposals and a few others of similar nature they put forward

not because they expected to carry any of them into effect,--for they,

if anybody, understood the purposes of the Romans,--but in order that

failing to obtain their requests they might secure an excuse for

complaints, on the ground that wrong had been done them. (Mai, p.

156.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 340 (_a.u._ 414)] 2. Dio in Book 7: "And for this

reason I shall execute you, in order that even as you obtain the prize

for your prowess, so you may receive the penalty for your disobedience."

[Footnote: The migration of Alexander(?). See Livy, VIII, 3, 6.]

(Bekker, Anecd. p. 133, 19. Zonaras, 7, 26.)

3. The statement is made by Douris, Diodorus and Dio that when the

Samnites, Etruscans and other nations were warring against the Romans,

Decius, a Roman consul and associated with Torquatus in command of the

troops, gave himself to be slain, and of the opposite side there were

slaughtered a hundred thousand that very day.[Footnote: Words of

Torquatus to his son.] (Io. Tzetzes, on Lycophr. 1378. Zonaras, 7, 26.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 340 (_a.u._ 414)] 4. ¶Dio says: "I am surprised that

his (Decius's) death should have set the battle right again, should have

defeated the side that was winning and have given victory to the men who

were getting worsted: I can not even comprehend what brought about the

result. When I reflect what some have accomplished,--for we know that

many such chances have befallen many persons before,--I can not

disbelieve the tradition: but when I come to calculate the causes of it,

I fall into a great dilemma. How can you believe that from such a

sacrifice of one man so great a multitude of human beings were brought

over at once to safety and to victory? Well, the truth of the matter and

the causes that are responsible shall be left to others to investigate."

(Mai, p.157. Zonaras, 7, 26.)

5. It was evident to every one that they had considered the outcome of

the event [Footnote: At the battle of Sentinum (295 B.C.).] and had

ranged themselves on the victorious side. Torquatus did not, however,

question them about it for fear they might revolt, since the affair of

the Latins was still a sore point with them. He was not harsh in every

case nor in most matters the sort of man he had shown himself toward his

son: on the contrary, he was admitted to be good at planning and good in

warfare, so that it was said by the citizens and by their adversaries

alike that he held success in war subservient to him, and that if he had

been leader of the Latins, he would certainly have made them conquer.

(Mai, p.157, and Valesius, p.585.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 340 (_a.u._ 414)] 6. ¶The Romans, although vexed at

Torquatus on account of his son to such an extent that deeds remarkable

for their cold-blooded indifference [Footnote: The phrase after "deeds"

is supplied from the general sense. The MS. shows a superlative ending

of adjective form, but the root portion of the word is lost.] are called

"Manliana," after him, and angry furthermore that he had celebrated the

triumph in spite of the death of that youth, in spite of the death of

his colleague, nevertheless when another war threatened them elected him

again to a fourth consulship. He, however, refused to hold their chief

office longer, and renounced it, declaring: "I could not endure you nor

you me." (Mai, p.157. Zonaras, 7, 26.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 338 (_a.u._ 416)] 7. ¶The Romans by way of bringing the

Latins in turn to a condition of friendliness, granted them

citizenship so that they secured equal privileges with themselves.

Those rights which they would not share with that people when it

threatened war and for which they underwent so many dangers, they

voluntarily voted to it now that they conquered. Thus they requited

some for their allegiance and others because they had taken no steps

of a revolutionary character. (Mai, p.158.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 328 (_a.u._ 426)] 8. ¶With reference to the inhabitants

of Privernum the Romans made no enquiry, asking them what they deserved

to suffer for such conduct. The others answered boldly: "Whatever is

suitable for men who are free and desire so to continue." To the next

question of the consul: "And what will you do if you obtain peace?" they

replied: "If we are granted it on [Sidenote: B.C. 426 (_a.u._ 426)]

fairly moderate terms, we will cease from disturbance, but if

unendurable burdens are placed upon us, we will fight." Admiring their

spirit they not only made a much more favorable truce with them than

with the rest [lacuna] (Mai, p.158.)

[Frag. XXXIII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 325 (_a.u._ 429)] 1. [From the address of the father

of Rullus.] Be well assured that penalties most unfitting in such cases,

while they destroy the culprits under sentence, who might have been made

better, are of no avail in correcting the rest. Human nature refuses to

leave its regular course for any threats. Some pressing fear or violence

of audacity together with courage born of inexperience and rashness

sprung from opportunity, or some other combination of circumstances such

as often occurs unexpectedly in the careers of many persons leads men to

do wrong. And these men are of two classes,--such as do not even think

of the punishments but heedless of them rush into the business before

them, and such as esteem them of no moment in comparison with the

attainment of the ends for which they are striving.

Consistent humanity, however, can produce an effect quite the opposite

of that just now mentioned. Through the influence of a seasonable pardon

the criminals frequently change their ways, especially when they have

acted from brave and not from wicked motives, from ambition and not from

baseness. For it should be noted that a reasonable humanity is a mighty

force for subduing and correcting a noble soul. As for the rest, they

are, without resistance, brought [Sidenote: B.C. 325 (_a.u._ 429)] into

a proper frame of mind by the sight of the rescue. Every one would

rather obey than be forced, and prefers voluntary to compulsory

observance of the law. He who submits to a measure works for it as if it

were his own invention, but what is imposed upon him he rejects as

unfitting for a freeman. Furthermore it is the part of the highest

virtue and power alike not to kill a man,--this is often done by the

wickedest and weakest men,--but to spare him and to preserve him; yet no

one of us is at liberty to do that without your consent.

It is my wish at length to cease from speaking. What little spirit I

have is weary, my voice is giving way, tears check my utterance and fear

closes my mouth. But I am at a loss how to close. For my suffering,

appearing to me in no doubtful light, does not allow me (unless you

decide otherwise) [Footnote: A clause that in the MS. has faded out is

represented here by Boissevian's conjecture.] to be silent, but compels

me, as if the safety of my child were going to be in accord with

whatever I say last, to speak even further as it were in prayers. (Mai,

p.159.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 325 (_a.u._ 429)] 2. The name and form of the office with

which he was invested he shrank from changing, and when he was intending

to spare Rullus,--for he observed the zeal of the populace,--he wished

to resist him somewhat before granting the favor and to alter the

attitude of the young men, so as to have his pardon come unexpectedly.

Therefore he contracted his face, and darting a harsh frowning look at

the populace, he raised his voice and spoke. The talking ceased, but

still they were not quiet: instead, as generally happens in such a case,

what with groaning over his fate and whispering one to another, in spite

of their not uttering a single word they gave the impression that they

desired the rescue of the cavalry commander. Papirius seeing this, in

fear of their possibly taking hostile action, relaxed the extremely

domineering manner which he had assumed (for purposes of their

correction) in an unusual degree, and by showing moderation in the rest

of his actions brought them once more to friendship and enthusiasm for

him, so that they proved themselves men when they met their opponents.

(Mai, p.160. Zonaras, 7, 26.)

3. ¶The Samnites after their defeat at the hands of the Romans, made

proposals for truce to the Romans in the city. They sent them all the

Roman captives that they held, together with the property of a man named

Papius, [Footnote: _Papius Brutulus_.] who was esteemed among the

foremost of his race and bore the entire responsibility for the war; his

bones, since he anticipated them in committing suicide, they scattered

abroad. Yet they did not obtain their peace; for they were regarded as

untrustworthy and had the name of making truces according to events

merely for the purpose of cheating any power that conquered them: hence

they not only failed to obtain terms, but even brought a relentless war

upon themselves. The Romans while accepting their prisoners voted to

make war upon them without announcement. (Ursinus, p.374. Zonaras, 7,

26.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 321. (_a.u._ 433)] 4. Among the many events of human

history that might give one cause for wonder must certainly be reckoned

what occurred at this time. The Romans, who were so extremely arrogant

as to vote that they would not again receive a herald from the Samnites

in the matter of peace and hoped moreover to capture them all at the

first blow, succumbed to a terrible disaster and incurred disgrace as

never before; the others, who to begin with were badly frightened and

thought the refusal to make peace a great calamity, seized their camp

and entire force, and sent them all under the yoke. So great a reverse

of fortune did they suffer. (Mai, p.161. Zonaras, 7, 26.)

5. Benefits lie rather within the actual choice of men and are not

brought about by necessity, or by ignorance, or anger, or deceit, or

anything of the sort, but are performed voluntarily by a willing and

eager condition of spirit. And for this reason it is proper to pity,

admonish, instruct those who commit any error and to admire, love,

reward those who do right. Whenever men act in both of these two ways,

it is decidedly more befitting our characters to remember their better

than their less correct deeds. [Footnote: Sections 5, 6, and 7 appear to

come from various speeches delivered at the Caudine Forks; section 8,

however, is from the speech of Herennius Pontius.] (Mai, p.535.)

6. ¶Quarrels are checked by kindness. The greater the pitch of enmity to

which a man has come when he unexpectedly obtains safety instead of

severity, the more readily does he hasten voluntarily to abandon the

quarrel and to acknowledge gladly the influence of kindness. B.C. 321

(_a.u._ 433) As in a random host of persons at variance from divers

causes those who have passed from friendship to enmity hate each other

with the more intense hatred, so in a random host of persons kindly

treated do those who receive this considerate treatment after a state of

strife love their benefactors the more. Romans, accordingly, are very

anxious to surpass in war and at the same time they honor virtue; for

this reason, compelled in both regards by their nobility of spirit, they

verily earn the right to surpass, since they take pains to recompense

fair treatment fairly, and even beyond its value. (Mai, p.161.)

7. For it is right to pride one's self upon requiting those who have

done some wrong, but to feel more highly elated over recompensing such

as have conferred some benefit. (Mai, p.536.)

8. ¶All men are by nature so constituted as to grieve more over any

insults offered them than they rejoice over benefits conferred upon

them: therefore they show hostility to persons who have injured them

with less effort than they require for aiding in return persons who have

shown them kindness; hence also they make no account, when their own

advantage is concerned, of the ill reputation they will gain by not

taking a friendly attitude toward their preserver, but indulge a spirit

of wrath even when such behavior runs counter to their own interest.

Such was the advice he gave them out of his own inherent good sense

and experience acquired in a long life, not looking to the

gratification of the moment but to the possible regret of the future.

(Mai, p.162.)

9. ¶The people of Capua, when the Romans after [Sidenote: B.C. 321

(_a.u._ 433)] their defeat arrived in that city, were guilty of no

bitter speech or outrageous act, but on the contrary gave them both food

and horses and received them like victors. They pitied in their

misfortune the men whom they would have not wished to see conquer on

account of the treatment those same persons had formerly accorded them.

When the Romans heard of the event they were altogether possessed by

doubt whether to be pleased at the survival of their soldiers or whether

to continue displeased. When they thought of the depth of the disgrace

their grief was extreme; for they deemed it unworthy of them to have met

with defeat, and especially at the hands of the Samnites, so that they

could wish that all had perished; when they stopped to reflect, however,

that if such a calamity had befallen them all the rest as well would

have incurred danger, they were not sorry to hear that the men had been

saved. (Mai, p.162. Zonaras, 7, 26.) 10. ¶It is requisite and blameless

for all men to plan for their own safety, and if they get into any

danger to do anything whatsoever so as to be preserved. (Mai, p.163.)

11. ¶Pardon is granted both by gods and by men to such as have committed

any act involuntarily. (Ib. Zonaras, 7, 26.)

12. Dio in Book 8: "I both take to myself the crime and admit the

perjury." (Bekker, Anecd. p.165, 13.)

13. Dio in Book 8: "For in all such matters he was quite all-sufficient

to himself." [Footnote: This is thought to refer to L. Papirius Cursor or

possibly to Q. Fabius Maximus. Cp. Livy, X, 26.] (Ib. p.124, 1.)

14.[Sidenote: B.C. 321 (_a.u._ 433)] ¶The Samnites, seeing that neither

were the oaths observed by them nor gratitude for favors manifested in

any other way, and that few instead of many were surrendered, thus

making void the oaths, became terribly angry and loudly called upon the

gods in respect to some of these matters: moreover, they brought the

pledges to their attention, demanded the captives, and ordered them to

pass naked under the same yoke where through pity they had been

released, in order that by experience they might learn to abide by terms

which had been once agreed upon. The men that had been surrendered they

dismissed, either because they did not think it right to destroy

guiltless persons or because they wished to fasten the perjury upon the

populace and not through the punishment of a few men to absolve the

rest. This they did, hoping as a result to secure decent treatment.

(Mai, p.163. Zonaras, 7, 26.) 15. ¶The Romans so far from being grateful

to the Samnites for the preservation of the surrendered soldiers,

actually behaved as if they had in this suffered some outrage. They

showed anger in their conduct of the war, and, being victorious, treated

the Samnites in the same way. For the justice of the battle-field does

not fit the ordinary definition of the word, and it is not inevitable

that the party which has been wronged should conquer: instead, war, in

its absolute sway, adjusts everything to the advantage of the victor,

often causing something that is the reverse of justice to go under that

name. (Mai, p.163. Zonaras, 7, 26.)

16.[Sidenote: B.C. 321 (_a.u._ 433)] ¶The Romans after vanquishing the

Samnites sent the captives in their turn under the yoke, regarding as

satisfactory to their honor a repayment of similar disgrace. So did

Fortune for both parties in the briefest time reverse her position and

by treating the Samnites to the same humiliation at the hands of their

outraged foes show clearly that here, too, she was all-supreme. (Mai, p.

164. Zonaras, 7, 26.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 319 (_a.u._ 435)] 17. ¶ Papirius made a campaign against

the Samnites and having reduced them to a state of siege entrenched

himself before them. At this time some one reproached him with excessive

use of wine, whereupon he replied: "That I am not intoxicated is clear

to every one from the fact that I am up at the peep of dawn and lie down

to rest latest of all. But on account of having public affairs on my

mind day and night alike, and not being able to obtain sleep easily, I

take a little wine to lull me to rest." (Mai, ib.)

18. ¶ The same man one day while making the rounds of the garrison

became angry on not finding the general from Praeneste at his post. He

summoned him and bade him hand the axe to the lictor. Alarm and

consternation at this was evident on the part of the general, and his

fear sufficed. Papirius harmed him no further but merely gave orders to

the lictor to cut off some roots growing beside the tents, so that they

should not injure passers-by. (Mai, ib.)

19. ¶ In numerous cases instances of good fortune are not at all

constant, but lead many aside into paths of carelessness and ruin

them.[Footnote: Cp. Livy, IX, 18, 8.] (Mai, p. 165.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 310 (_a.u._ 444)] 20. ¶ The men of the city put forward

Papirius as dictator, and fearing that Rullus might be unwilling to name

him on account of his own experiences while master of the horse, they

sent for him and begged him to put the common weal before a private

grudge. And he gave the envoys, indeed, no response, but when night had

come (according to ancient custom it was quite necessary that the

dictator be appointed at night), he named Papirius and secured by this

act the greatest renown.(Valesius, p. 585.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 296 (_a.u._)] 21. ¶ Appius the Blind and Volumnius

became at variance each with the other: and it was owing to this that

Volumnius once, when Appius charged him in the assembly with showing no

gratitude for the progress he had made in wisdom through Appius's

instruction, answered that he had indeed grown wiser and was likewise

ready to admit it, but that Appius had not advanced at all in matters

pertaining to war. (Mai, p. 165.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 296 (_a.u._ 458)] 22. ¶ As regards the prophecy the

multitude was not capable for the time being of either believing or

disbelieving him.[Footnote: I.e., Manius, an Etruscan.] It neither

wished to hope for everything, inasmuch as it did not desire to see

everything fulfilled, nor did it dare to refuse belief in all points

inasmuch as it wished to be victorious, but was placed in an extremely

painful position, as it were between confusion and fear. As each single

event occurred they applied the interpretation to it according to the

actual result, and the man himself undertook to assume some reputation

for skill with regard to the foreknowledge of the unseen. (Mai, p. 165.

Cp. Zonaras, 8, 1.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 293 (_a.u._ 461)] 23. ¶ The Samnites, enraged at what

occurred and deeming it highly disgraceful to be defeated, resorted to

extreme daring and folly with the intention of either conquering or

being utterly destroyed. They assembled all their men that were of

military age, threatening with death all that should remain at home, and

they bound themselves with frightful oaths to the effect that no man

should flee from the contest but should slaughter any person that might

undertake to do so. (Mai, ib. Zonaras, 8, 1.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 292 (_a.u._ 462)] 24. ¶ The Romans on hearing that their

consul Fabius had been worsted in the war became terribly angry and

summoned him to stand trial. A vehement denunciation of the man was

made before the people,--and, indeed, he was depressed by the injury to

his father's reputation even more than by the complaints,--and no

opportunity was afforded the object of the attack for reply. Nor did the

elder man make a set defence of his son, but by enumerating his own

services and those of his ancestors, and by promising furthermore that

his son would do nothing unworthy of them, he abated the people's wrath,

especially since he urged his son's youth. Moreover, he joined him at

once in the campaign, overthrew the Samnites in battle, though they were

elated by their victory, and captured their camp and great booty. The

Romans therefore extolled him and ordered that his son also should

command for the future with consular powers, and still employ his father

as lieutenant. The latter managed and arranged everything for him,

sparing his old age not a whit, and the allied forces readily assisted

the father in remembrance of his old-time deeds. He made it clear,

however, that he was not executing the business on his own

responsibility, but he associated with his son as if actually in the

capacity of counselor and under-officer, while he moderated his

temperament and assigned to him the glory of the exploits. (Valesius, p.

585. Zonaras, 8, 1.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 291 (_a.u._ 463)] 25. ¶ The soldiers with Junius who took

the field along with Postumius fell sick on the way, and thought that

their trouble was due to the felling of the grove. He was recalled for

these reasons, but showed contempt for them even at this juncture,

declaring that the senate was not his master but that he was master of

the senate [lacuna] Envio [lacuna] and the [lacuna] men much [lacuna]

ambition [lacuna] [Words of Postumius Megillus: Cp. Dionys. Hal. Ant.

Rom. 16, [Footnote: The famous Apollonius of Tyana.]. (Mai, p. 167.)

[Frag. XXXIV]

¶ Gaius Fabricius in most respects was like Rufinus, but in

incorruptibility far superior. He was very firm against bribes, and on

that account did not please Rufinus, but was always at variance with

him. Yet the latter chose Fabricius, thinking that he was a most proper

person to meet the requirements of the war, and making his personal

enmity of little account in comparison with the advantage of the

commonwealth.

[Frag. XXXIV]

As a result he gained some reputation for having shown himself above

jealousy, which springs up in the hearts of many of the best men by

reason of emulation. Since he was a thorough patriot and did not

practice virtue for a show he thought it a matter of indifference

whether the State were benefited by him or through some other man, even

if that man should be an opponent. (Valesius, p.586.)

[Frag. XXXV]

¶Cornelius Fabricius, when asked why he had entrusted the business to

his foe, [lacuna][Footnote: See Niebuhr, Rh. Mus., 1828, p.600, or

_Kleine Schriften_, 2, p.241.] the general excellence of Rufius and

added that to be spoiled by the citizen is preferable to being bought

and sold by the enemy. [This anecdote concerns Fabricius Luscinus,

mentioned by Cicero, de orat. 2, 66, 268; Quintilian 12, 1, 43; Gellius

4, 48.]

[Frag. XXXVI]

[Sidenote: B.C. 290 (_a.u._ 464)] ¶Curius, in defence of his conduct in

the popular assembly, said that he had acquired so much land [lacuna]

and had hunted for so many men [lacuna] country [lacuna] [The person

referred to is Manius Curius Dentatus. Cp. Auct. de Viris. Illustr., c.

33.

¶After Niebuhr, Rh. Mus. 1828, p.579.]

[Frag. XXXVII]

¶When the tribunes moved an annulment of debts, the law was often

proposed without avail, since the lenders were by no means willing to

accept it and the tribunes granted the nobles the choice of either

putting this law to the vote or following that of Stolo, by which they

were to reckon the previous interest toward the principal and receive

the remainder in triennial payments. [Footnote: The opening portion of

this fragment is based largely on conjectures of Niebuhr (Rhein. Mus.,

1828, p.579ff.)] And for the time being the weaker party, dreading lest

it might lose all, paid court to them, and the wealthier class,

encouraged to think it would not be compelled to adopt either course,

maintained a hostile attitude. But when the revolted [Footnote: A

doubtful reading.] party proceeded to press matters somewhat, both sides

changed their positions. The debtors were no longer satisfied with

either plan, and the nobles thought themselves lucky if they should not

be deprived of their principal. Hence the dispute was not decided

immediately, but subsequently they prolonged their rivalry in a spirit

of contentiousness, and did not act at all in their usual character.

Finally the people made peace in spite of the fact that the nobles were

unwilling to remit much more than they had originally expected; however,

the more they beheld their creditors yielding, the more were they

emboldened, as if they were successful by a kind of right; and

consequently they regarded the various concessions almost as matters of

course and strove for yet more, using as a stepping-stone to that end

the fact that they had already obtained something. (Mai, p.167. Zonaras,

8,2.)

[Frag. XXXVIII]

¶When the opposite side [Footnote: The Tuscans, Senones, and Gauls

appear to be meant.] saw also another general approaching, they ceased

to heed the common interests of their force but each cast about to

secure his individual safety, as a common practice of those who form a

union uncemented by kindred blood, or who make a campaign without common

grievances, or who have not one commander. While good fortune attends

them their views are harmonious, but in disaster each one sees before

him only matters of individual concern. They betook themselves to flight

as soon as it had grown dark, without having communicated to one another

their intention. In a body they thought it would be impossible for them

to force their way out or for their defection to pass unnoticed, but if

they should leave each on his own account and, as they believed, alone,

they would more easily escape. And so, to his own party,--each one of

them [lacuna] they will think that accomplishing their flight with the

greatest security [lacuna] (Mai, p.167.)

[Frag. XXXIX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 283 (_a.u._ 471)] 1. The Romans had learned that the

Tarentini and some others were making ready to war against them, and had

despatched Fabricius as an envoy to the allied cities to prevent them

from committing any revolutionary act: but they had him arrested, and by

sending men to the Etruscans and Umbrians and Gauls they caused a number

of them also to secede, some immediately and some a little later.

(Ursinus, p.375. Zonaras, 8, 2-Vol. II, p.174, 4 sq.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 283 (_a.u._ 471)] 2. ¶The Tarentini, although they had

themselves initiated the war, nevertheless were sheltered from fear. For

the Romans, who understood what they were doing, pretended not to know

it on account of temporary embarrassments. Hereupon the Tarentini,

thinking that they either could mock [Footnote: Verb adopted from

Boissevain's conjecture [Greek: _diasilloun_] (cp. the same word in Book

Fifty-nine, chapter 25). at Rome or were entirely unobserved because

they were receiving no complaints behaved still more insolently and

involved the Romans even contrary to their own wishes in a war. This

proved the saying that even good fortune, when a disproportionately

large portion of it falls to the lot of any individuals, becomes the

cause of disaster to them; it entices them on to a state of frenzy

(since moderation refuses to cohabit with vanity) and ruins their

greatest interests. So these Tarentini, too, after rising to an

unexampled height of prosperity in turn met with a misfortune that was

an equivalent return for their wantonness. (Mai, p.168 and 536.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 282 (_a.u._ 472)] 3. Dio in Book 9: "Lucius Valerius,

[Footnote: Appian (Samnite Wars, VII, 1) gives the second name as

Cornelius.] who was admiral of the Romans and had been despatched on

some errand by them." (Bekker, Anecd. p.158, 25. Zonaras, 8, 2.)

4. ¶Lucius was despatched by the Romans to Tarentum. Now the Tarentini

were celebrating the Dionysia, and sitting gorged with wine in the

theatre of an afternoon suspected that he was sailing against them as an

enemy. Immediately in a passion and partly under the influence of their

intoxication they set sail in turn: so without any show of force on his

part or the slightest expectation of any hostile act they attacked and

sent to the bottom both him and many others. When the Romans heard of

this they naturally were angry, but did not choose to take the field

against Tarentum at once. However, they despatched envoys in order not

to seem to have passed over the affair in silence and by that means

render them more impudent. But the Tarentini, so far from receiving them

decently or even sending them back with an answer in any way suitable,

at once, before so much as granting them an audience, made sport of

their dress and general appearance. It was the city garb, which we use

in the Forum; and this the envoys had put on, either for the sake of

stateliness or else through fear, thinking that this at least would

cause the foreigners to respect their position. Bands of revelers

accordingly jeered at them,--they were still celebrating the festival,

which, although they were at no time noted for temperate behavior,

rendered them still more wanton,--and finally a man planted himself in

the road of Postumius and, with a forward inclination, threw him down

and soiled his clothing. At this an uproar arose from all the rest, who

praised the fellow as if he had performed some remarkable deed, and they

sang many scurrilous anapaests upon the Romans, accompanied by applause

and capering steps. But Postumius cried: "Laugh, laugh while you may!

For long will be the period of your weeping, when you shall wash this

garment clean with your blood." (Ursinus, p.375. Mai, 168. Zonaras, 8,

2.)

5. Hearing this they ceased their jests but could accomplish nothing

towards obtaining pardon for their insult: however, they took to

themselves credit for a kindness in the fact that they let the

ambassadors withdraw unharmed. (Mai, ib.)

6. ¶Meton, failing to persuade the Tarentini not to engage in

hostilities with the Romans, retired unobserved from the assembly, put

garlands on his head, and returned along with some fellow-revelers and a

flute girl. At the sight of him singing and dancing the kordax, they

gave up the business in hand to accompany his movements with shouts and

hand-clapping, as is often done under such circumstances. But he, after

reducing them to silence, spoke: "Now it is yours both to be drunken and

to revel, but if you accomplish what you plan to do, we shall be

slaves." (Mai, p.169.)

[Frag. XL]

[Sidenote: B.C. 281 (_a.u._ 473)] ¶King Pyrrhus was not only king of the

district called Epirus, but had made the larger part of the Greek world

his own, partly by kindness and partly by fear. The AEtolians, who at

that period possessed great power, and Philip [Footnote: The son of

Cassander, who ruled only four months in B. C. 296.] the Macedonian, and

the chief men in Illyricum did his bidding. By natural brilliancy and

force of education and experience in affairs he far surpassed all, so as

to be esteemed far beyond what was warranted by his own powers and those

of his allies, although these powers were great. (Valesius, p.589.

Zonaras, 8, 2.)

2. ¶Pyrrhus, the king of Epirus, had a particularly high opinion of his

powers in that he was deemed by foreign nations a match for the Romans:

and he believed that it would be opportune to assist the fugitives who

had taken refuge with him, especially as they were Greeks, and at the

same time to anticipate the Romans with some plausible excuse before he

received any damage at their hands. So careful was he about a fair

pretext that though he had long had his eye on Sicily and had been

considering how he could overthrow the Roman dominion, he shrank from

taking the initiative in hostilities, when no wrong had been done him.

(Mai, p.169. Zonaras, 8, 2.)

3. ¶King Pyrrhus was said to have captured more cities by Cineas than by

his own spear. For the latter, says Plutarch, [Footnote: Cp. Plutarch,

Life of Pyrrhus, chapter 14.] was skilled in speaking,--the only one in

fact to be compared in skill with Demosthenes. Notwithstanding, as a

sensible man, he spoke in opposition to Pyrrhus, pointing out to him the

folly of the expedition. For the king intended by his prowess to rule

the whole earth, whereas Cineas urged him to be satisfied with his own

possessions, which were sufficient for enjoyment. But the man's fondness

for war and fondness for leadership prevailed against the advice of

Cineas and caused him to depart in disgrace from both Sicily and Italy,

after losing in all of the battles many myriads of his own forces.

(Valesius, p.586.)

4. ¶Pyrrhus sent to Dodona and enquired of the oracle about the

expedition. And a response having come to him: "You, if you cross into

Italy, Romans shall conquer," he construed it according to his wish (for

desire has mighty power to deceive any one) and would not even await the

coming of spring. (Mai, p.169.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 280 (_a.u._ 474)] 5. ¶The Rhegians had asked of the

Romans a garrison, and Decius [Footnote: _Decius Vibellius_.] was the

leader of it. The majority of these guards, accordingly, as a result of

the excess of supplies and general easy habits,--for they enjoyed a far

less strenuous existence than they had known at home,--through the

persuasion of Decius formed the desire to kill the foremost Rhegians and

occupy the city. It seemed as though they might be quite free to perform

whatever they pleased, unconcerned about the Romans, who were busied

with the Tarentini and with Pyrrhus. Decius was further enabled to

persuade them by the fact that they saw Messana in the power of the

Mamertines. The latter, who were Campanians and had been appointed to

garrison it by Agathocles, the lord of Sicily, had slaughtered the

natives and occupied the town.

The conspirators did not, however, make their attempt openly, since they

were decidedly inferior in numbers. Letters were forged by Decius,

purporting to have been written to Pyrrhus by some citizens with a view

to the betrayal of the city. He next assembled the soldiers and read

these to them, stating that they had been intercepted, and by his talk

(the character of which may easily be conceived) excited them greatly.

The effect was enhanced by the sudden announcement of a man (who had

been assigned to the role) that a portion of Pyrrhus's fleet had

anchored somewhere off the coast, having come for a conference with the

traitors. Others, who had been instructed, magnified the matter, and

shouted out that they must anticipate the Rhegians before some harm

happened, and that the traitors, ignorant of what was being done, would

find it difficult to resist them. So some rushed down to the landing

places, and others broke into the houses and slaughtered great

numbers,--save that a few had been invited to dinner by Decius and were

slain there. (Valesius, p.589.)

6. ¶Decius, commander of the garrison, after slaying the Rhegians,

ratified friendship with the Mamertines, thinking that the similar

nature of their outrages would render them most trustworthy allies. He

was well aware that a great many men find the ties resulting from some

common transgression stronger to unite them than the obligations of

lawful association or the bonds of kinship. (Mai, p.170.)

7. ¶The Romans suffered some reproach from them for a while, until such

time as they took the field against them. For since they were busied

with concerns that were greater and more urgent, what these men did

seemed to some of comparatively little importance. (Mai, p.170.)

8. ¶The Romans, on learning that Pyrrhus was to come, stood in terror of

him, since they had heard that he was a good warrior and had a large

force by no means despicable as an adversary,--the sort of information,

of course, that is always given to enquirers in regard to persons

unknown to them who live at a very great distance. (Mai, p.170. Zonaras,

8,3.)

9. For it is impossible that persons not brought up under the same

institutions, nor filled with the same ambitions, nor regarding the same

things as base or noble, should ever become friends with one

another. [Footnote: Nos. 9, 10, and 11 are thought to be possibly from

the speech made by Laevinus to the soldiers (Zonaras, VIII, 3, 6).]

(Mai, p. 537.)

10. ¶Ambition and distrust are always qualities of tyrants, and so it is

inevitable that they should possess no real friend. A man who is

distrusted and envied could not love any one sincerely. Moreover, a

similarity of habits and a like station in life and the fact that the

same objects are disastrous and beneficial to persons are the only

forces that can create true, firm friends. Wherever any one of these

conditions is lacking, you see a delusive appearance of comradeship, but

find it to be without secure support. (Mai, p.170 and 537.)

11. ¶Generalship, if it is assisted by respectable forces of men,

contributes greatly both to their preservation and their chances of

victory, but by itself is worth nothing. Nor is there any other

profession that is of weight without persons to cooeperate and to aid in

its administration. (Mai, p.171.)

12. ¶When Megacles was dead and Pyrrhus had cast off his cap the battle

took an opposite turn. One side was filled with much greater boldness by

his preservation and the fact that he had survived contrary to their

fears than if the idea had never gained ground that he was dead: the

other side, deceived, had no second fund of zeal to expend, but, since

they had been cut short in their premature encouragement and because of

the sudden change in their feelings to an expectation of less favorable

results, had no hope that he might subsequently perish once more. (Mai,

p.171. Zonaras, 8, 3.)

13. ¶When certain men congratulated Pyrrhus on his victory, he accepted

the glory of the exploit, but said that if he should ever conquer again

in like fashion, it would be his ruin. Besides this story, it is told of

him that he admired the Romans even in their defeat and judged them

superior to his own soldiers, declaring: "I should already have mastered

the whole inhabited world, were I king of the Romans." (Mai, p.171.

Zonaras, 8, 3.)

14. ¶Pyrrhus became famous for his victory and acquired a great

reputation from it, to such an extent that many who were standing

neutral came over to his side and that all the allies who had been

watching the turn of events espoused his cause. He did not openly

display anger towards them nor conceal entirely his suspicions; he

rebuked them somewhat for their tardiness, but otherwise received them

kindly. The result of showing excessive irritation would be, he feared,

their open estrangement, while if he failed to reveal his real feelings

at all, he thought that he would either be condemned by them for his

simplicity in not comprehending what they had done, or would be

suspected of harboring secret wrath. Such a surmise would breed in them

either contempt or hatred, or would lead to a plot against him, due to

the desire to anticipate injuries that they might suffer at his hands.

For these reasons, then, he conversed affably with them and presented to

them some of the spoils. (Mai, p.172. Zonaras, 8, 4.)

15. ¶Pyrrhus at first undertook to persuade the Roman captives (who

were many) to join with him in a campaign against Rome; when, however,

they refused, he treated them with the utmost consideration and did not

put them in prison or harm them in any other way, his intention being to

restore them voluntarily and through their agency to win over the city

without a battle. (Valesius, p.590.)

16. ¶The Romans, who by reason of the elephants,--a kind of beast that

they had never before seen,--had fallen into dismay, still, by

reflecting on the mortal nature of the animals and the fact that no

beast is superior to man, but that all of them in every way show

inferiority if not as regards strength, at least in respect to

understanding, they gradually became encouraged. (Mai, p.172.)

17. ¶The soldiers of Pyrrhus, also, both his native followers and the

allies, showed tremendous eagerness for plunder, which seemed to lie

ready before them and to be free from danger. (Mai, ib.)

18. ¶The Epirots dishonored the ties of friendship, through vexation

that after making the campaign supported by high hopes they were getting

nothing except trouble. And this happened very opportunely for the

Romans: for the dwellers in Italy that had leagued themselves with him,

on seeing that he ravaged the possessions of allies and enemies alike,

withdrew. In other words, his acts made a greater impression upon them

than his promises. (Mai, ib.)

19. ¶Pyrrhus dreaded being cut off on all sides by the Romans, while he

was in unfamiliar regions. When his allies showed displeasure at this he

told them that he could see clearly from the country itself what a

difference existed between them and the Romans. The subject territory

of the latter had all kinds of trees, vineyards and farms, and expensive

agricultural machinery; whereas the property of his own friends had been

so pillaged, that it was impossible to tell even whether it had ever

been settled. (Mai, p.173. Zonaras, 8, 4.)

20. ¶The same man, when as he was retreating it occurred to him to

wonder [Footnote: Gap supplied by van Herwerden.] how he beheld the army

of Laevinus much larger than it was before, declared that the Roman

troops when cut to pieces grew whole again, hydra-fashion. This did not,

however, cause him to lose courage: he made preparations in his turn,

but did not come to the issue of battle. (Mai, p.173. Zonaras, 8,4.)

21. ¶Pyrrhus, who learned that Fabricius and other envoys were

approaching, to treat in behalf of the captives, sent a guard to them as

far as the border, to the end that they should suffer no violence at the

hands of the Tarentini, met them in due time, escorted them to the city,

entertained them brilliantly and honored them in other ways, expecting

that they would ask for a truce and make such terms as was proper for a

defeated party. (Ursinus, p.376. Zonaras, 8, 4.)

22. ¶When Fabricius made this statement merely: "The Romans sent us to

bring back the men captured in battle, and to pay ransoms of such size

for them as shall be agreed upon by both of us," he was quite

dumbfounded because the man did not say that he was commissioned to

treat about peace; and after removing them he took counsel with the

friends who were usually his advisers partly, to be sure, about the

return of the captives, but chiefly about the war and its management,

whether with vehemence or in some other way it [lacuna] (Four pages are

lacking.) (Mai, p.173. Zonaras, 8, 4.)

23 [lacuna]. "to manage, or to run the risk of battles and combats, the

outcome of which is doubtful. [Footnote: Cineas is the speaker.] Hence,

if you heed me, Milo, and the old proverb, you will not employ violence

for any purpose rather than skill, where the latter is feasible, since

Pyrrhus knows precisely what he has to do and does not need to be

enlightened by us regarding a single detail of his program." By this

speech they were all brought to one decision, particularly because this

course entailed neither loss nor danger, whereas the others were likely

to bring both. And Pyrrhus, being of this mind, said to the ambassadors:

"Not willingly, Romans, did I previously make war upon you, and I would

not war against you now: I feel that it is of the highest importance to

become your friend, and for this reason I release all the captives

without ransom and make a treaty of peace." Privately, also, he did them

favors, in order that, if possible, they might take his part, or at any

rate obtain friendship for him. (Mai, p.173. Zonaras, 8, 4.)

24. Pyrrhus made friends of nearly all, and with Fabricius he conversed

as follows: "Fabricius, I do not want to be at war with you any longer,

and indeed I repent that I heeded the Tarentini in the first place and

came hither, although I have beaten you badly in battle. I would gladly,

then, become a friend to all the Romans, but most of all to you. For I

see that you are a thoroughly excellent and reputable [Footnote: The two

words "and reputable" are a conjecture of Bossevain's. Some ten letters

in the MS. have faded out.] man. I accordingly ask you to help me in

getting peace and furthermore to accompany me home. I want to make a

campaign against Greece and need you as adviser and general." Fabricius

replied: "I commend you for repenting of your expedition and desiring

peace, and will cordially assist you in that purpose if it is to our

advantage (for of course you will not ask me, a man who pretends to

uprightness, as you say, to do anything against my country); but an

adviser and general you must never choose from a democracy: as for me, I

have no leisure whatever. Nor could I ever accept any of these things,

because it is not seemly for an ambassador to receive gifts at all. I

would fain know, therefore, whether you in very truth regard me as a

reputable man or not. If I am a scoundrel, how is it that you deem me

worthy of gifts? If, on the other hand, I am a man of honor, how can you

bid me accept them? Let me assure you, then, of the fact that I have

many possessions and am in no need of more: what I own supplies me and I

feel no desire for what belongs to others. You, however, even if you

believe yourself ever so rich, are in unspeakable poverty. For you would

not have crossed over to this land, leaving behind Epirus and the rest

of your dominions, if you had been content with them and had not been

reaching out for more. Whenever a man is in this condition and sets no

limit to his greed, he is the poorest of beggars. And why? Because he

longs for everything not his own as if it were absolutely necessary, and

with the idea that he could not live without it.

"Consequently I would gladly, since you call yourself my friend, afford

you a little of my own wealth. It is far more secure and imperishable

than yours, and no one envies it or plots against it, neither populace

nor tyrant: best of all, the larger the number of persons who share it,

the greater it will grow. In what, accordingly, does it consist? In

using the little one has with as much satisfaction as if it were

inexhaustible, in refraining from the goods of others as if they

contained some mighty danger, in wronging no man, in doing well to

many, and in numberless other details, which only a person of leisure

could rehearse. I, for my part, should choose, if it were absolutely

necessary to suffer either one or the other, to perish by violence

rather than by deceit. The former falls to the lot of some by the decree

of Fortune, but the latter only as a result of folly and great greed of

gain: it is, therefore, preferable to fall by the crushing hand of Fate

[Footnote: Omitting [Greek: ti], and reading [Greek: thehioy], which the

MSS. give.] rather than by one's own baseness. In the former instance a

man's body is laid low, but in the latter his soul is ruined as

well,[lacuna] but in that case a man becomes to a certain extent the

slayer of himself, because he who has once taught his soul not to be

content with the fortune already possessed, acquires a boundless desire

for increased advantages." (Mai, pp.174 and 538. Zonaras, 8, 4.)

25. And they presented themselves for the enlistment with the greatest

zeal, believing, each man of them, that his own defection would mean the

overthrow of the fatherland. [Footnote: Cp. Plutarch, Life of Pyrrhus,

chapter 18 (early).] (Mai, p.176.)

26. Such is the nature of oratory and so great is its power that it led

even them to change, causing courage and hatred to take the place

respectively of the fear inspired by Pyrrhus and the estrangements his

gifts had wrought. (Mai, ib.)

27. ¶Every force which, contrary to expectation, is humbled in spirit,

suffers a loss also in strength. (Mai, p.177.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 279 (_a.u._ 475)] 28. ¶Pyrrhus sent to Decius, telling

him that he would not succeed in accomplishing this even if he wished it

[i. e., to die without being seized] and threatened besides that if he

were taken alive he should perish miserably. To this the consuls

answered that they were in no need of having recourse to such a

proceeding as the one to which he alluded, since they were sure to

conquer him in other ways. (Mai, ib. Zonaras, 8, 5.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 278 (_a.u._ 476)] 29. He did not know how he would

repulse the one of them [Footnote: "They" are C. Fabricius Luscinus and

Q. Aemilius Papus, Roman consuls.] first, nor how he should repel them

both, and was in perplexity. To divide the army, which was smaller than

that of his opponents, was something he feared to do, yet to allow one

of them to ravage the country with impunity seemed to him almost out of

the question. (Mai, p.177.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 277 (_a.u._ 477)] 30. However, he behaved in general

toward them with great circumspection, and awarded greater credit for

his safety to the fact that no one, even if he wished, could harm him,

than to the probability that no one would have desired to inflict an

injury. It was for this reason, too, that he expelled and slew many who

held office and many who called him in to help in their disputes. This

was partly because he was somewhat displeased with them, on account of

their statements that he had secured the reins of power in the State

through their influence, and partly because he was suspicious of them

and thought that as they had come over to his side so they might go over

to some one else's [lacuna] (Mai, p.178. Zonaras, 8, 5.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 276 (_a.u._ 479)] 31. ¶As the allies were unwilling to

contribute anything for the support of Pyrrhus, he betook himself to the

treasuries of Persephone, that were widely reputed for their wealth,

despoiled them and sent the spoils on ships to Tarentum. And the men

almost all perished through a storm, while the money and offerings were

cast out on land. (Valesius, p.590.)

32. ¶All admired the following act of Pyrrhus. Some youths at a banquet

had ridiculed him, and at first he wished to have them before a court

and exact vengeance, but, afterward, when they declared: "We should have

said a lot more things a good deal worse, if the wine hadn't failed us,"

he laughed and let them go. (Mai, ib. Zonaras, 8, 6.)

[Frag. XLI]

[Sidenote: B.C. 273 (_a.u._ 481)] ¶Ptolemy, nicknamed Philadelphus,

king of Egypt, when he learned that Pyrrhus had fared poorly and that

the Romans were growing, sent gifts to them and made a compact. The

Romans, accordingly, pleased that a monarch living so very far away

should have come to respect them, despatched ambassadors to him in turn.

From him the envoys, too, received magnificent gifts; but when they had

offered these to the treasury, they would not accept them. (Ursinus,

p.374. Zonaras, 8, 6.)

[Frag. XLII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 266 (_a.u._ 488)]¶Though the Romans were faring in this

manner and were constantly rising to greater heights they showed no

haughtiness as yet: on the contrary, they surrendered to the

Appolloniatians (Corinthian colonists on the Ionian Gulf) Quintus

Fabius, a senator, because he had insulted some of their ambassadors.

The people of this town, however, did him no harm, and even sent him

home. (Valesius, p.590. Zonaras, 8, 7.)

[Frag. XLIII]

1. ¶The causes responsible for the dispute between the two were--on the

side of the Romans that the Carthaginians had assisted the Tarentini, on

the side of the Carthaginians, that the Romans had made a treaty of

friendship with Hiero. But these they merely put forward as excuses, as

those are inclined to do who in reality are desirous of advancing their

own interests but pause before a reputation for such action. The truth

is different. As a matter of fact, the Carthaginians, who had long been

powerful, and the Romans, who were now growing rapidly, kept viewing

each other with jealousy; and they were incited to war partly by the

desire of continually getting more, according to the instinct of the

majority of mankind, most active when they are most successful, and

partly also by fear. Each alike thought that the one sure salvation for

her own possessions lay in obtaining what the other held. If there had

been no other reason, it was most difficult, nay, impossible, for two

nations that were free, powerful, and proud, and separated from each

other, so to speak, only a very short distance (considering the speed of

voyages) to rule any outside tribes and yet keep their hands off each

other. But a mere accident of the kind that befell broke the truce they

had been keeping and dashed them together in war. (Mai, p.178. Zonaras,

8, 8.)

2. ¶The conflict, according to report, concerned Messana and Sicily, but

in reality both parties perceived that from this region danger

threatened their native land, and they thought that the island, lying,

as it did, between them, would furnish to the side that conquered it a

safe base for operations against the other party. (Mai, p.179. Zonaras,

8, 8.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 264 (_a.u._ 490)] 3. ¶Gaius Claudius came to the meeting,

and among other remarks which he made to tempt them declared that the

object of his presence was to free the city, since the Romans had no

need of Messana; and that he would immediately sail away, as soon as he

should set their affairs in order. Next he bade the Carthaginians also

either to withdraw, or, if they had any just plea to offer, to submit

to arbitration. Now when not one of the Mamertines (by reason of fear)

opened his lips, and the Carthaginians since they were occupying the

city by force of arms paid little heed to him, he stated that the

silence on both sides afforded sufficient evidence: on the part of the

invaders it showed that they were in the wrong, for they would have

justified themselves if their purposes were at all honest, and on the

part of the Mamertines that they desired freedom; they might have been

quite free to speak, had they espoused the cause of the Carthaginians,

especially as there was a force of the latter present. Furthermore he

promised that he would aid them, both on account of their Italian origin

and on account of the request for assistance they had made. (Mai, p.179.

Zonaras, 8,8.)

4. ¶Gaius Claudius lost some of the triremes and with difficulty reached

safety. Neither he nor the Romans in the City, however, were prevented

from renewing attempts by sea through the fact that they had been

worsted when first making a trial of it, although this is the ordinary

course that people pursue who fail in the first undertaking and think

that they can never again succeed, viewing the past in the light of an

omen. On the contrary, they applied themselves to the watery element

with an even greater zeal, and chiefly because they were ambitious and

did not wish to appear to have been diverted from their purpose by the

disaster. (Mai, p.180. Zonaras 8, 8, sq.) 5. ¶Hanno, who was in no wise

disposed to make light of the war in case it were bound to occur, was

particularly anxious to throw the responsibility for breaking the truce

upon the other man, for fear it might be thought that he himself was

taking the initiative. Accordingly, he sent back to him the ships and

the captives, while he urged him to accept peace and exhorted him

besides not to meddle with the sea. (Mai, p.180. Zonaras, 8, 9.)

6. ¶When he would accept nothing, he launched at him an arrogant and

reprehensible threat. For he declared that he would never allow the

Romans even to wash their hands in the sea: yet he lost not only the sea

but also Messana not much later. (Mai, p.180. Zonaras, 8, 9.)

7. ¶Claudius, finding the Mamertines gathered at the harbor, called an

assembly of their number and made the statement: "I have no need of arms

but will leave it with you to decide everything." By this means he

persuaded them to send for Hanno. As the latter refused to come down, he

chid him soundly, inveighing against him and declaring that if he had

even the slightest justification, he would certainly hold a conference

with him and not persist in occupying the city by force. (Mai, p.180.

Zonaras, 8, 9.)

8. ¶The consul Claudius exhorted the soldiers beforehand to be of good

cheer and not to be cast down over the defeat of the tribune. He

instructed them that in the first place victories fall to the lot of the

better equipped, and that secondly their valor far surpassed the skill

of their opponents. They would acquire, he said, the knowledge of

seafaring in a short time, whereas the Carthaginians would never have

bravery equal to theirs. Knowledge was something that could be obtained

in a brief space by men who gave their minds to it and could be mastered

by practice; but bravery, in case it were absent from a man's nature,

could never be furnished by instruction. (Mai, p. 181.)

9. ¶ The Libyans, rejoicing in the idea that they had conquered not

through the nature of their position, but by their own valor, sallied

out. But Claudius made them so fearful that they would not even peep out

of the camp. (Mai, p. 181. Zonaras, 8, 9.)

10. For it happens in the majority of instances that those who as a

result of calculation fear something are successful by reason of their

precaution against it, whereas those whose boldness rests on lack of

forethought, are ruined on account of their unguarded condition.

[Footnote: The Carthaginians are, in a general way, the subject of this

section.] (Mai, p. 539.)

11. The quality of moderation both obtains victories and preserves them

after they are won, whereas that of wantonness can prevail against

nothing, and if it be at any time fortunate in some matter, very easily

destroys it. And again, if it perchance preserves some conquest, it

grows worse by the very fact of extraordinary good fortune and so far

from being benefited by its success is actually ruined by it

irretrievably.

Moreover, whenever there is boldness not in accord with reason, you may

expect to find unreasoning fear. Calculation, bringing with it

resolution strengthened by forethought, and a hope made confident by its

own trustworthiness do not allow one to be either dejected or

presumptuous. Unreasoning impulse, however, often elates men in the

midst of good fortune and humbles them to dust in disasters, possessing,

as it were, no support, but always copying the feature of the chance

event. (Mai, p. 539 and p. 181.)

12. ¶ The Romans and Carthaginians when they entered upon war were

equally matched in the number of ships and readiness to serve.

[Sidenote: B.C. 260 (_a.u._ 494)] It was a naval battle soon after in

which, with equal equipment, they first became engaged. They hoped that

it would decide the whole war: Sicily lay before their eyes as the

prize: they were contending in a matter of servitude or empire, resolved

not to be beaten, lest they taste the former, but to conquer and obtain

the latter. One side surpassed in the experience possessed by the crews

of its triremes, since they had long been masters of the sea, and the

other in the strength of its marines and its daring; for the rashness

and audacity of their fighting was commensurate with their inexperience

in naval affairs. In matters of experience practically all men make

exact calculations and are imbued with wholesome fear, even if their

judgment approves a particular course, but the untried renders them

unreasonably bold, and draws them into conflict through lack of due

consideration. (Mai, p.181.)

13. ¶The Carthaginians because of their defeat by the Romans in the

sea-fight came near putting Hannibal to death. It is a trait of

practically all people who send out armies on any mission to lay claims

to advantage gained but to put the responsibility of defeat upon their

leaders, and the Carthaginians were very ready to chastise those who

failed in an enterprise.

He, however, was afraid and immediately after the defeat enquired of

them whether if the business were still untouched they would bid him

risk a sea-fight or not. When they declared in the affirmative, as he

had doubtless expected, because they prided themselves on having such a

superior navy, he added, by the mouths of the same messengers: "I, then,

have done no wrong, for I went into the engagement with the same hopes

as you. The decision was within my power but not the fortune of the

battle." (Mai, p.182. Zonaras, 8, 11.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 258 (_a.u._ 496)] 14. Dio in Book 11: "When the storm

continued and a mist arose besides, he brought about Hannibal's defeat

through the agency of some deserters." (Bekker, Anecd. p.171, 26.

Zonaras, 8, 12.)

15. But regarding the non-surrender of their native land and the

acquirement of foreign territory as matters of equal importance, they

[Footnote: I.e., The Carthaginians.] contended with courage and force.

For whereas most men defend their own possessions to the very limit of

their power but are unwilling to lay claim to the goods of others if it

involves danger, these antagonists set a like value upon what they held

fast and what they expected, and so were equally determined upon both

points. Now the Romans thought it better to conduct the war no longer at

a distance, nor to risk a first encounter in the islands, but to have

the contest in the Carthaginians' own land. If they failed, they would

lose nothing; and if they conquered they would obtain something besides

hopes. Therefore, making their preparation follow their resolve, they

took the field against Carthage. (Mai, p. 183. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 12.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 256 (_a.u._ 498)] 16. Their leaders were Regulus and

Lucius, preferred before others for their excellence. Regulus was,

indeed, in so great poverty that he did not readily consent, on that

account, to take up the command; and it was voted that his wife and

children should be furnished their support from the public treasury.

(Valesius, p. 593. Zonaras, 8, 12.)

17. ¶ Hanno had been sent to the Romans by Hamilcar, as was pretended,

in behalf of peace, but in reality for the sake of delay. And he, when

some clamored for his arrest, because the Carthaginians by fraud

[lacuna] Cornelius [lacuna] [Mai, p. 183.] Four pages of the MS. are

lacking. (Zonaras, 8, 12.)

18. Dio the Roman, who wrote a history about the Empire and the Republic

of Rome and describes the far-famed Carthaginian war, says that when

Regulus,

[Sidenote: B.C. 256 (_a.u._ 498)] consul for Rome, was warring against

Carthage, a serpent suddenly crept out of the palisade of the Roman army

and lay there. By his command the Romans slew the reptile and having

flayed it sent its skin, a great prodigy, to the Roman senate. And when

measured by the same senate (as the same Dio says) it was found to have

a length of one hundred and twenty feet. In addition to its length its

thickness was also notable. (Ioannes Damascenus, On Serpents, vol. I, p.

472, A.B. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 13.)

19. ¶ The Carthaginians in fear of capture sent heralds to the consul to

the end that by some satisfactory arrangement they might turn aside the

danger of the moment, and so escape. But since they refused to withdraw

from both Sicily and Sardinia, to release the Roman captives free of

cost and to ransom their own, to make good all the expenses incurred by

the Romans for the war and besides to pay more as tribute each year,

they accomplished nothing. And in addition to the above mentioned, there

were the following commands which displeased them: that they should make

neither war nor treaties without the consent of the Romans, that they

should employ not more than one warship but the Romans would come to

their aid with fifty triremes as often as notice should be sent them,

and that they would not be on an equal footing in conducting some other

kinds of business. Considering these points they decided that the truce

would mean their utter subjugation, and preferred rather to fight with

the Romans. (Ursinus, p. 376. Zonaras, 8, 13.)

20. Dio in Book 11: "The Carthaginians kept watch for their ships

homeward bound and captured several heavily laden with money." (Bekker,

Anecd. p. 131, 12. Zonaras, 8, 14.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 251 (_a.u._ 503)] 21. ¶ They say the Carthaginians sent

heralds to the Romans on account of the great number of the captives

(among other causes), and most of all to see if they would be inclined

to make peace on some moderate terms; if this could not be effected,

their purpose still held to get back the captives. They say that

Regulus, too, had been sent among the envoys because of his reputation

and valor. The people assumed that the Romans would do anything whatever

in the hope of getting him back, so that he might even be delivered up

alone in return for peace, or at any rate in exchange for the captives.

Accordingly, they bound him by mighty oaths and pledges to return

without fail in case neither of their objects should be accomplished,

and they despatched him as an envoy with others.

And he acted in all respects like a Carthaginian, not a Roman; for he

did not even grant his wife leave to confer with him nor did he enter

the city, although he was invited: instead, when the senate assembled

outside of the walls, as their custom was in treating with the envoys of

the enemy, he asked for permission to approach with the others--at

least, so the story goes, [lacuna] (Ursinus, p. 377. Zonaras, 8, 15.)

22. Dio in Book 11: "Regulus paid no heed to them until the

Carthaginians permitted him to do so." (Bekker, Anecd. p. 140, 20.

Zonaras, 8, 15.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 251 (_a.u._ 503)] 23. Dio in Book 11: "For it is neither

my duty nor that of any other upright man to give up aught that pertains

to the public welfare." (Ib. p. 165, 23.)

24. In Book 11: "Any one else, wishing to console himself for the

disaster which had happened in his own case, would have exalted the

prowess of the enemy." (Ib. p. 165, 30.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 249 (_a.u._ 505)] 25. The second part of the augury is

transmitted to us by Dio Cassius Cocceianus, who says that they keep

tame birds which eat barley, and put barley grains in front of them when

they seek an omen. If, then, in the course of eating the birds do not

strike the barley with their beaks and toss it aside, the sign is good;

but if they do so strike the grain, it is not good. (Io. Tzetzes,

Exegesis of Homer's Iliad, p. 108, 2.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 244 (_a.u._ 510)] 26. He [sc. Mamilcar] thought it was

requisite for a man who wished to accomplish anything by secret means

not to make the matter known to anyone at all. There was no one, he

believed, so self-possessed as to be willing, when he had heard, merely

to observe operations and be silent. Just the reverse was true: the more

strongly a man might be forbidden to mention anything, the greater would

be his desire to speak of it, and thus one man learning the secret from

another with the understanding that he was the only person to know it

would reveal the story. [Footnote: Section 26 may refer to Hamilcar

Barca's plans for seizing Mount Eryx.] (Mai, p. 540. Cp. Diodorus, 24,

7.)

27. In Book 11 of Dio: "He feasted the populace." [Footnote: Boissevain

thinks that No. 27 may concern the banqueting of the populace during

Metellus's triumph. Others have other opinions.] (Bekker, Anecd. p. 133,

24.)

28. In Book 11 of Dio: "You attack even such friends as have been guilty

of any error, whereas I pardon even my enemies." (Ib. p.171, 29.)

29. In Book 12 of Dio: "By the one process [Footnote: Perhaps from the

speech of Regulus to the senators.] he might have become to a certain

extent estranged from you." (Ib. p.124, 4.) 30. In Book 12 of Dio: "Some

are dead, and others who were deserving of some notice, have been

captured." [Footnote: This may be likewise from the speech of Regulus

and be said of the Carthaginian leaders.] (Ib. p. 133,25.)

[Frag. XLIV]

1. For the Ligurians occupy the whole shore from Etruria up to the Alps

and as far as Gaul, according to Dio's statement. (Isaac Tzetzes, on

Lycophron, 1312.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 236 (_a.u._ 518)] 2. The Romans at first sent Claudius

to the Corsicans and gave him up. This was after he had made terms with

them, but his countrymen, who claimed that the fault in breaking the

compact rested on him and not on themselves, had waged war upon them and

subdued them. When the Corsicans refused to receive him, the Romans

drove him out. (Valesius, p.593. Zonaras, 8, 18.)

[Frag. XLV]

[Sidenote: B.C. 235 (_a.u._ 519)] 1. ¶The Romans after exacting also

money from the Carthaginians, renewed the truce. And at first when an

embassy from the latter arrived, they returned no proper answer, because

they were aware of the state of their own equipment and because they

were themselves still busied at that time with the war against the

neighboring tribes. After this, however, Hanno, a man of youthful years

who employed striking frankness of speech, was sent. He touched

unreservedly on a number of other subjects and finally his appeal--"If

you don't want to be at peace, restore to us both Sardinia and Sicily;

for with these we purchased not a temporary respite but eternal

friendship"--caused them to become milder and ashamed [lacuna] (Ursinus,

p.378. Zonaras, 8, 18.)

2[lacuna] lest [Footnote: Preceding this fragment four pages of the MS.

are missing.] they might suffer the same injuries in return, so that

they were very glad to delay,--the one side choosing to preserve the

prosperity that was an inheritance of the past, and the other to cling

to the possessions which were still theirs. To judge by their threats

they were no longer maintaining peace, but in fact they still

deliberated about the matter, so that all could see that whichever of

the two found it to his advantage to create the first disturbance would

also be the one to begin war. Most men abide by their agreements just so

long as suits their own convenience. If they have in view a greater

resultant benefit to themselves, they deem it safe even to break some

compact. (Mai, p.184.)

[Frag. XLVI]

[Sidenote: B.C. 231 (_a.u._ 523)] ¶Once in the consulship of Marcus

Pomponius and Gaius Papirius they despatched envoys to investigate

affairs in Spain, although none of the Spanish States had ever yet

belonged to them. He, [Footnote: A reference to some previous proper

name, outside this fragment.] besides showing them other honors,

addressed them in suitable words, declaring that he was obliged to fight

against the Spaniards in order that the money which was still owing to

the Romans on the part of the Carthaginians might be paid; for it was

impossible to obtain it from any other source. The envoys were

consequently embarrassed to know how to censure him. (Mai, p.184)

[Frag. XLVII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 230 (_a.u._ 524)] 1. ¶The island of Issa surrendered

itself voluntarily to the Romans. This was the first time the islanders

were about to make the acquaintance of the latter, but they judged them

more friendly and faithful than the powers which they then dreaded.

Calculation caused them to place more dependence on the unknown than on

the evident; for while the latter had aroused irritation through the

dealings already had with it, the former afforded good hope, because its

actions were as yet only matters of expectation. (Mai, ib. Zonaras, 8,

19.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 230 (_a.u._ 524)] 2. When the Issaeans had attached

themselves to the Romans, the latter, being ready and anxious to do them

some favor in return forthwith, so as to get the reputation of aiding

such as espoused their cause and also for the purpose of restraining the

Ardiasans, who were annoying those that sailed from Brundusium,--for

these reasons they sent messengers to Agro, who were to ask clemency for

the Issaeans and censure the king in that he was wronging them without

previous cause. Now these men found Agro no longer in existence: he had

died, leaving behind a child named Pineus. Teuta, Agro's wife and

stepmother of Pineus, held the power over the Ardiaeans,[lacuna] Being

[lacuna] by boldness, she made no moderate response to their requests,

but woman-like she showed a vanity (due to innate recklessness as well

as to the power that she was holding) by casting some of the ambassadors

into prison and killing others for speaking frankly. Such was her action

at that time, and she actually took pride in it as if she had displayed

some strength by her facile cruelty. In a very short space, however, she

proved the weakness of the female sex, for as she had quickly flown into

a passion through short-sightedness of judgment, so through cowardice

she was quickly terrified. As soon as she learned that the Romans had

voted for war against her she was panic-stricken, and promised to

restore their men whom she held, while she tried to defend herself for

the death of the others, declaring that they had been slain by some

robbers. When the Romans were thus led to cease temporarily their

campaign and demand the surrender of the murderers, she showed contempt

again, because the danger was not yet at her doors, and declaring that

she would not give anybody up despatched an army against Issa. When she

learned that the consuls were at hand she grew terrified again, gave

over her high spirit, and became ready to heed them in every minutest

detail. She had not yet, however, been fully brought to her senses, for

when the consuls had crossed over to Corcyra she felt imbued with new

courage, revolted, and despatched an army against Epidamnus and

Apollonia. After the Romans had rescued the cities and at the news of

their capture of ships and treasures of hers she was on the point of

again yielding obedience. Meanwhile in the course of scaling certain

heights overlooking the sea they were worsted near the Atyrian hill and

she now waited, hoping, in view of the fact that it was really winter

already, for their withdrawal. But on perceiving that Albinus remained

where he was and Demetrius as a result of her caprice as well as from

fear of the Romans had transferred his allegiance, besides persuading

some others to desert, she became utterly terrified and gave up her

sovereignty. (Ursinus, p. 378. Zonaras, 8, 19.)

[Frag. XLVIII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 228 (_a.u._ 526)] In the time of Fabius Maximus

Berucosus ("full of warts") the Romans did this, after burying in the

middle Of the Forum a Greek and a Gallic couple, man and woman: they

were frightened by a certain oracle which said that Greek and Gaul

should occupy the city. (Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 603, 1056. Cp.

Zonaras, 8, 19.)

[Frag. XLIX]

1. ¶ The Romans were being frightened by an oracle of the Sibyl which

urged the necessity of guarding against the Gauls when a thunderbolt

should fall upon the Capitol near the temple of Apollo. (Mai, p. 185.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 225 (_a.u._ 529)] 2. ¶ The Gauls became dejected on

seeing that the Romans had taken beforehand the most favorable

locations. All men if they obtain the object of their first aim proceed

more readily toward their subsequent goals, but if they miss it, lose

interest in everything else. They, however, after the Gallic fashion and

more than is usual with the rest of mankind, lay hold very eagerly of

what they desire and cling most tenaciously to any success, but if they

meet with the slightest obstacle have no hope left for the future. Folly

makes them inclined to expect whatsoever they wish, and their spirited

temperament ready to carry out whatsoever they undertake. They are given

to violent anger and dash headlong into enterprises, and for that reason

they have within themselves no quality of endurance (since it is

impossible for reckless audacity to prevail for any time), and if they

once suffer any setback they are unable (especially by reason of the

fear to which they then fall a prey) to recover themselves: they are

plunged into a state of panic corresponding to their previous fearless

daring. In a brief period they rush vehemently to the most opposite

extremes, since they can furnish no motive based on calculation for

either action. (Mai, p. 185.)

3. ¶ AEmilius on conquering the Insubres celebrated a triumph and in it

conveyed the foremost captives clad in armor up to the Capitol, making

jests upon them because he had heard that they had sworn not to remove

their breastplates before they had ascended the Capitol. (Mai, p. 186.

Zonaras, 8, 20.)

[Frag. L]

¶ If any of the details, even the smallest, that were customary in

festivals had been missed, they renewed the ceremonial proceedings at

any rate a second and a third time, and even more times still, so far as

was possible in one day, till everything seemed to them to have been

done faultlessly. (Mai, p. 186. Zonaras, 8, 20.)

[Frag. LI]

[Sidenote: B.C. 219 (_a.u._ 535)] ¶ Demetrius, elated by his position as

guardian of Pineus and by the fact that he had married the latter's

mother Triteuta (Teuta was dead), was hateful to the natives and injured

the property of neighboring tribes. So they summoned him before them

(since it appeared that it was by misusing the friendship of the Romans

that he was able to wrong those peoples) as soon as they heard of it.

When he refused compliance and actually assailed their allies, they made

a campaign against Issa, where he was. (Valesius, p.593. Zonaras, 8,

20.)

[Frag. LII]

1. ¶The Romans were at their prime in equipment for war and enjoyed

absolute harmony among themselves. Whereas the majority of persons are

led by unmixed good fortune to audacity but by a tremendous fear to

proper behavior, they had quite a different experience at that time in

those matters. The more successes they had the more sober it made them;

against their enemies they displayed the kind of boldness that partakes

of bravery, while toward one another they employed that right dealing

which is closely connected with good order. [Footnote: The word for

"good order" is conjectured by van Herwerden.] They held their power

with a view to the practice of moderation and kept their orderliness for

the acquirement of a true bravery: they did not allow their good fortune

to develop into wantonness, nor their right dealing into cowardice. They

believed that in case of such laxity temperance might be ruined by

bravery and boldness by boldness; but that when people exercised care,

as they did, moderation was made more secure by bravery and good fortune

rendered surer by discipline. This was the reason for their vast

superiority over the enemies that encountered them and for their

excellent administration of both their own affairs and those of the

allies. (Mai, p. 186.)

2. ¶ All who dwelt on the near side of the Alps revolted to join the

Carthaginians, not because they preferred the Carthaginians to the

Romans as leaders, but because they hated the force that ruled them and

were for welcoming the untried. The Carthaginians had allies against the

Romans from every one of the tribes that then existed; but Hannibal was

worth nearly all of them. He could comprehend matters very quickly and

plan the details of every project that he laid to heart, notwithstanding

the fact that generally sureness is the product of slowness and only

rash decisions result from hastiness of disposition. He was most

[lacuna] when given the smallest margin of time, and most enduring with

a very great degree of reliability. He managed in a safe way the affair

of the moment and showed skill in considering the future beforehand: he

proved himself a most capable counselor in ordinary events and a very

accurate judge of the unusual. By these powers he handled the issue

immediately confronting him very readily and in the shortest time, while

by calculation he anticipated the future afar off and considered it as

though it were actually present. Consequently he, more than any man, met

each occasion with suitable words and acts, because he made no

distinction between what he possessed and what he hoped for. He was able

to conduct matters so for the reason that in addition to his natural

capacity he was well versed in much Phoenician learning, common to his

country, and likewise much Greek, and furthermore he understood

divination by inspection of entrails. (Mai, p. 187 and Valesius, p.

593.)

3. With such intellectual qualities he had brought his body to a state

of equal perfection, partly by nature, partly by practice, so that he

could carry out easily everything that he took in hand. It was nimble

and at the same time heavy to the utmost degree, and he could,

therefore, run, fight, and ride safely at full speed. He never burdened

himself with overmuch food, nor suffered annoyance by lack of it, but

took more or less with equal grace, feeling that either was

satisfactory. Hardship made him rugged, and on loss of sleep he grew

strong.

Having these advantages of mind and body he universally administered

affairs in a fashion now to be described. Since he saw that most men

were trustworthy only in what concerned their own interest, he himself

dealt with them in this manner and expected the same treatment of them,

so that he very often succeeded by deceiving persons and very seldom

failed by being the object of a plot. He regarded as hostile every force

that could gain an advantage both among foreigners and among kinsmen

alike, and did not wait to learn their intentions from their acts, but

handled them quite unsparingly, assuming that they were anxious to

commit a wrong when they could: he thought it better to be the first to

act than the first to suffer, and resolved that the rest of the world

should be dependent on him, and not he upon other persons. In fine, he

paid attention to the nature of things, rather than to their reputed

good points, as often as the two did not happen to coincide. He also,

however, prized extravagantly whatever he needed. Slaves, most of them,

he esteemed in that way, and beheld them willing to encounter danger for

him even contrary to their own advantage. For these reasons he often

himself refrained from opportunities for gain and other most delightful

pleasures, but gave a share ungrudgingly to them. Hence he could get

them to be not unwilling partners in hard work. He subjected himself not

only to the same conditions of living as these men, but also to the same

dangers and was the first to accomplish every task that he demanded of

them. Likewise he was confident that they, too, without pretexts and

with zeal,--since he showed his care for them not in words only,--would

help him effect his projects.

Toward the rest he always behaved quite proudly; and the whole

multitude, in consequence, felt either good-will or fear toward him

because of their similar conditions of life, on the one hand, and

because of his haughtiness on the other. Accordingly, he was fully able

to bring low the towering head, to exalt humility, and to inspire all

whom he pleased, in the shortest period, one with hesitation, another

with boldness, with hope also and despair regarding most important

matters.

And that this information about him is not false, but is truthful

tradition, his works are proof. Much of Spain he won over in a short

time, and from there carried the war into Italy through the country of

the Gauls, most of whom were not only not in league with him, but

actually unknown to him. He was the first of non-Europeans, so far as we

know, to cross the Alps with an army, and after that he made a campaign

against Rome itself, sundering from it almost all its allies, some by

force and others by persuasion. This, however, he achieved by himself

without the aid of the Carthaginian government. He was not sent forth in

the beginning by the magistrates at home, nor did he later obtain any

considerable assistance from them. While they were on the eve of

enjoying the greatest glory and benefit through his efforts, they

wished rather not to appear to be leaving him in the lurch than to

cooeperate effectively in any enterprise. (Valesius, p. 593.)

[Frag. LIII]

Dio Cocceianus calls the Narbonenses _Bebruces_, writing this: "To those

who of old were Bebruces, but now Narbonenses, belongs the Pyrenees

range. This range is the boundary between Spain and Gaul." (Isaac

Tzetzes on Lycophron, 516. Zonaras, 8, 21.)

[Frag. LIV]

1. ¶ Peace both creates wealth and preserves it, but war both expends it

and destroys it. [Footnote: The first eight sections of this fragment

seem to be taken from speeches of Romans in the senate-house. Nos. 1 and

2 are apparently the words of an unknown individual discouraging the

eagerness for war; Nos. 3 and 4 may be spoken by Lentulus, urging war;

and Nos. 5 to 8 may contain the opposing arguments of Fabius.](Mai, p.

188.)

2. ¶Every human being is so constituted as to desire to lord it over

such as yield, and to employ the turn of Fortune's scale against

voluntary slaves. (Mai, ib.)

3. But do you who know the facts and have experienced them, think that

propriety and humaneness are sufficient for your safety? And do you

regard listlessly all the wrongs they have committed against us by

stealth or deceit or violence? Are you not stimulated, are you not for

paying them back or for defending yourselves? Then again, you have never

reflected that such behavior is in place for you toward one another, but

toward the Carthaginians is cowardly and base. Our citizens we must

treat in a gentle and politic fashion; if one be preserved unexpectedly,

he is of our possessions: but harsh treatment is for the enemy. We shall

save ourselves not by our defeats as a result of sparing them, but by

our victories that will come from abasing them. (Mai, p.188.)

4. ¶War both preserves men's own possessions and wins the property of

others, whereas peace destroys not only what has been bestowed by war

but itself in addition. (Mai, pp.188 and 541.)

[Frag. LIV]

5. ¶It is base to proceed to action ere arguments about the matter have

been heard: for in such a case, if successful, you will be thought to

have enjoyed good fortune rather than to have employed good counsel, and

if worsted, to have taken your resolution without forethought, at a time

when there was no profit in it. And yet who does not know this,--that to

heap up reproaches and to accuse people that have once warred against us

is very easy--any man can do it--whereas, to say what is advantageous

for the State, not in anger over other men's deeds, but with a view to

the State's benefit, is really the duty of the advising class? Do not

irritate us, Lentulus, nor persuade us to begin war until you show us

that it shall be really for our advantage. Reflect particularly (though

there are other considerations) that speaking here about deeds of war is

not the same sort of thing as their actual performance. (Mai, p.189.)

6. Men are often set on their feet by disasters, and many who use them

wisely fare better than those who are completely fortunate and for that

very reason wanton. Somehow ill luck seems to hold no inconsiderable

portion of benefit, because it does not permit men to lose their senses

or indulge in extreme wantonness. For naturally it is most advisable to

set one's face steadfastly toward all the best things, and to make not

possibility, but calculation, the measure of desire. And if a man be not

able to prefer what is more excellent, it will still pay him to behave,

even unwillingly, with moderation so as to regard in the light of

happiness even the failure to be fortunate in all cases. (Mai, p.542.)

7. It is imperative to be on one's guard against any similar experience

again,--that being the only benefit that can come from disasters.

Repeated good fortune occasionally ruins those who unthinkingly base

their hopes upon it, believing they are sure of another victory, whereas

failures compel every one as a result of his past trouble to provide for

the future carefully beforehand. (Mai, pp.189 and 542.)

8. ¶For securing the favor of the gods or a good reputation among men it

is no small thing to escape the appearance of creating war, and seem to

be compelled to defend the existing population. (Mai, p.189.)

9. After speeches of this character on both sides they determined to

prepare for fighting: they would not vote that way however, but

determined to send envoys to Carthage and denounce Hannibal; then, if

the Carthaginians refrained from approving his exploits, they would

arbitrate the matter, or if all responsibility were laid on his

shoulders, they would demand his extradition; if he were given up, well;

otherwise they would declare war. (Mai, p.190. Zonaras, 8, 22.)

10. ¶When the Carthaginians made no definite answer to the envoys and

instead behaved contemptuously toward them, Marcus [Footnote: According

to Livy (XXI, 18, 1) his name was _Quintus_. Willems suggests emending

to Maximus here.] Fabius thrust his hands beneath his toga and holding

them with palms upward said: "Here I bring to you, Carthaginians, both

war and peace: do you choose unequivocally whichever of them you wish."

Upon their replying to this challenge even then that they chose neither

but would readily accept either that the Romans left with them, he

declared war upon them. (Mai, p.190. Zonaras, 8, 22.)

[Frag. LV]

¶The Romans invited the Narbonenses to an alliance. But the latter

declared that they had never suffered any harm from the Carthaginians or

received any favor from the Romans that they should war against the one

or defend the other, and were quite angry with them, charging that the

Romans had often treated their kinsmen outrageously. (Mai, p.190.)

[Frag. LVI]

1. ¶From such an expectation, Dio says, already acquired from that

source, the Romans and Carthaginians had reached a state in which they

had formed the most different judgments regarding the administration of

the war. For hopefulness, in that it leads all men to cheerfulness,

renders them also more active and confident, possessed of a faith that

they will be victorious; lack of hope casts them into dejection and

despair, and deprives of strength even the naturally stout-hearted.

(Mai, p.191.)

2. Just as matters at a great distance and quite unknown are accustomed

to disturb many men, so now they struck no little fear to the hearts of

the Spaniards. [Footnote: This refers to the Spaniards' refusing, at the

start, to undertake a campaign. Cp. Livy, XXI, 23.] For the majority of

the multitude that makes a campaign not for any reason of its own but

ranking as an allied force is a strong force just so long as it has the

hopes of obtaining some benefit without danger. But when the men reach

the vicinity of the conflict, they are frightened out of their hopes of

gain and lose their faith in promises. And the most of them have gotten

it into their heads that they are by all means going to be successful in

any case; consequently, even if they should meet with some reverse, they

esteem it lightly in comparison with the hopes which have been

offsetting it. (Mai, p.191. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 23.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 218 (_a.u._ 536)] 3. When the preparations failed to be

sufficient in any respect for the size of Hannibal's army, and some one

on this account suggested to him that the soldiers be fed on the flesh

of their opponents, he did not take the idea amiss, but said he feared

that some day through lack of bodies of that kind they might turn to

eating one another. (Mai, p.191. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 23.)

4. ¶Hannibal before beginning operations called together the soldiers

and brought in the captives whom he had taken by the way: he enquired of

the latter whether they wished to undergo imprisonment in fetters and to

endure a grievous slavery or to fight in single combat one with another

on condition that the victors should be released. When they chose the

second alternative, he set them to fighting. And at the end of the

conflict he said: "Now is it not shameful, fellow-soldiers, that these

men who have been captured by us are so disposed toward bravery as to be

eager to die in place of becoming slaves, whereas we shrink from

incurring a little toil and danger for the purpose of not being

subservient to others,--yes, and ruling them besides?" (Mai, p.192.

Zonaras, 8, 23.)

5. All the sufferings that we have endured when occasionally defeated by

the enemy we will inflict upon them, if we are victorious. Be well

assured that by conquering we shall obtain all the benefits that I

mention, but if conquered we shall not even have a safe means of escape.

The victor straightway finds everything friendly, even if possibly it

hates him, and to the vanquished no one even of his own household pays

any longer heed. (Mai, pp. 543 and 192.)

6. ¶To have once failed in an enterprise against some foes puts them

forever out of countenance, and is a preventative of any future courage.

(Mai, p. 192.)

7. For the whole Gallic race is naturally more or less eccentric and

cowardly and faithless. Just as they are readily emboldened in the face

of hopes, so (only more readily) when frightened do they fall into a

panic. The fact that they were no more faithful to the Carthaginians

will teach the rest of mankind a lesson never to dare to invade Italy.

(Mai, p. 192. Cp. Zonaras, 8, 24.)

8. ¶Many portents, [Footnote: Cp. Livy XXI, 62, and XXII, I, 8-20.] some

of which had actually occurred and others which were the product of idle

talk, became the subject of conversation. For when persons get seriously

frightened and those [lacuna] are in reality proven to have occurred to

them, oftentimes others are imagined. And if once any of the former

phenomena is believed, heedlessly at once the rest [lacuna]

Accordingly, the sacrifices were offered and all the other ceremonies

were accomplished which men are in the habit of performing for the cure

of their temporary terror and for escape from expected ruin. Yet the

race of men is wont to trust such agencies, hoping in the line of

improvement, and so now, even if because of the greatness of the danger

awaited they thought that the harshest fate would fall upon them, still

they kept hoping that they would not be defeated. (Mai, p. 192.)

9. ¶ The Romans proclaimed Fabius dictator, satisfied if they could

themselves survive, and neither despatched any aid to the allies nor

[lacuna] but learning that Hannibal had turned aside from Campania, they

made sure of the former's safety through fear that they might change

sides either willingly or under compulsion. (Mai, p. 193. Zonaras, 8,

25.)

10. ¶ Fabius continued to besiege him from a safe distance instead of in

dangerous proximity; he would not venture to make a trial of men skilled

in the art of war, and made the safety of the soldiers a matter of great

circumspection because of the scarcity of the citizens, deeming it no

disaster to fail of destroying the forces of the enemy but a great one

to lose any of his troops. The Carthaginians, he believed, by means of

their enormous multitude would encounter danger again even if once

defeated, but if the smallest part of his own army met with failure he

calculated that he should find himself in every extremity of evil; this

would not be due to the number of the dead on any such occasion but to

the previous setbacks endured. He was in the habit of saying that men

with powers undiminished could often suffer without hurt the most

dreadful losses, but those who were already exhausted might be harmed by

the slightest reverses. Once, when his son advised him to run the risk

and be done with it and said something about his not losing more than a

hundred men, the above consideration led him to refuse assent, and he

further inquired of the young man whether he would like to be one of the

hundred men. (Mai, pp. 193 and 544. Zonaras, 8, 26.)

11. ¶ The Carthaginians, far from sending voluntarily any support to

Hannibal, were rather disposed to make sport of him, because whereas he

was continually writing of his splendid progress and his many successes

he still asked money and soldiers of them. They said his requests did

not agree with his successes: victors ought to find their existing army

sufficient and to send money home instead of demanding additional funds

from them. (Mai, p. 194. Zonaras, 8, 26.)

12. I am under accusation, not because I dash headlong into battles nor

because I risk dangers in my office as general, purposing by losing many

soldiers and killing many enemies to be named dictator and celebrate a

triumph, but because I am slow and because I delay and because I always

exercise extreme foresight for your preservation. (Mai, p.542.)

13. Is it not really absurd for us to be zealous for success in

enterprises outside and far off before the city itself is really set

upon a firm foundation? Is it not absolutely outrageous to be eager to

conquer the enemy before we set our own affairs well in order? (Mai, p.

543.)

14 ¶ Hannibal either as a favor to Fabius, on the ground that he was an

advantage to them or perhaps to create a prejudice against him, did not

ravage any of his possessions. Accordingly, when an exchange of captives

was made between the Romans and Carthaginians with the proviso that any

number in excess on either side should be ransomed, and as the Romans

were unwilling to ransom their men with money from the public treasury,

Fabius sold the farms and paid their ransom. Therefore they did not

depose him but they gave equal power to his master of the horse, so that

both held their commands on a like footing. Fabius harbored no wrath

against either the citizens or Rufus: he excused them for an act

prompted by human nature and was for contenting himself if in any way

they might survive. He desired the preservation and victory of the

commonwealth rather than an individual reputation, and continued to

believe that excellence depends not on decrees but on each man's spirit,

and that a man is better or worse not as a result of any ordinance but

as a result of his own wisdom or ignorance.

Rufus, however, who had not shown the right spirit in the first place

was now more than ever puffed up and could not contain himself because

he had obtained through his insubordination the further prize of equal

authority with the dictator. And so he kept asking for the right to hold

sole sway a day at a time, or for several days alternately. But Fabius,

in the fear that he might work some harm if he should get possession of

the undivided power, would not consent to either plan of his, but

divided the army in such a way that they each, like the consuls, had a

separate force. And immediately Rufus encamped apart, in order that he

might give a practical illustration of the fact that he held sway in his

own right and not subject to the dictator. (Valesius, p. 597. Zonaras,

8, 26.)

15. ¶ It is customary for men who are ruled to concur in opinion easily.

Especially often do they join forces when the object is to slander men

of good reputation, for the reason that it is their nature to help in

augmenting any power just come to light but to bring low what has

already obtained preeminence. And though one can not immediately measure

one's self with men who surpass one through ampler resources, growth in

an unexpected quarter brings hope of a like good fortune to others that

dwell in obscurity. [Footnote: This may come from a speech of M.

Terentius Varro in favor of equalizing the powers of dictator and of

master-of-horse.](Mai, p. 194.) 16. ¶ Rufus, who obtained equal

authority with the dictator, after a defeat by the Carthaginians altered

his attitude (for disasters chasten somehow those who are not completely

fools) and voluntarily gave up his leadership. And for this all praised

him loudly. He was not held worthy of censure because he had failed to

recognize at first what was fitting, but was commended for not

hesitating to change his mind. They deemed it an act of good fortune for

a man to choose right at the start a proper course of conduct, but they

thoroughly approved the course of one, who, having learned from

practical experience the better way, was not ashamed to face squarely

about. From this episode, too, it was clearly shown how much one man

differs from another and true excellence from the reputation therefor.

What had been taken from Fabius by jealousy and prejudice of the

citizens, he received back with good-will and even at the request of his

colleague. (Mai, p. 194. Zonaras, 8, 26.) 17. ¶ The same man when about

to retire from office sent for the consuls, surrendered his army to

them, and advised them in addition very fully regarding all the details

of what must be done. The safety of the city stood higher in his

estimation than a reputation for being the only successful commander,

and expecting that if they followed their own bent they would probably

meet with failure, but if they heeded his counsel they would meet with a

favorable outcome, he preferred to look to the second contingency for

praise. And the consuls were not unduly bold but acted on the suggestion

of Fabius, deeming it better not to accomplish any important result than

to be ruined; hence they remained where they were throughout the entire

period of their command. (Mai, p. 195. Zonaras, 8, 26.)

18. For the Iapygians and Apulians dwell around the Ionic Gulf. Of the

Apulians the tribes according to Dio are the Peuketii Pediculi, Daunii,

Tarentini. There is also Cannae, the "plain of Diomed," near Daunian

Apulia. Messapia was called also Iapygia, later Salentia, and then

Calabria. Argyrippa, a Diomedian city, was renamed Arpi by the

Apulians. (Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 603 and 852. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 1.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 216 (_a.u._ 538)] 19. Later he was arrayed against the

Romans at Cannae, when the Roman generals were Paulus and Terentius. Now

Cannae is a level district of Argyrippa, where Diomed founded the city

Argyrippa, that is to say "Argos the Horse-City" in the tongue of the

Greeks. And this plain comes to belong later to the Daunii (of the

Iapygians), then to the Salantii, and now to those that all call by the

name Calauri. It is also the boundary between the Calauri and

Longibardi, where the great war burst upon them. (Tzetzes, Hist., 1,

757-767. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 1.)

20. ¶ With regard to divination and astronomy Dio says: "I, however, can

not form any opinion either about these events or about others that are

foretold by divination. For what does foreshowing avail, if a thing

shall certainly come to pass, and if there could be no averting of it

either by human devices or by divine providence? Accordingly, let each

man look at these matters in what way he pleases." (Mai, p. 195. Cp.

Zonaras, 9, 1.)

21. ¶ The commanders were Paulus and Terentius, men not of similar

temperament, but differing alike in family and in character. The former

was a patrician, possessed of the graces of education, and esteemed

safety before haste, being restrained partly, it might be said, as a

result of the censure he had received for his former conduct in office.

Hence he was not inclined to audacity, but was considering how he might

keep from getting into trouble again rather than how he might achieve

success by some desperate venture. Terentius, however, had been brought

up among the rabble, was practiced in vulgar bravado, and so displayed

lack of prudence in nearly all respects; for instance, he promised

himself general direction of the war, kept constantly annoying the

patricians, and thought that he alone should have the leadership in view

of the quiet behavior of his colleague. Now they both reached the camp

at a most opportune time: Hannibal had no longer any provender; Spain

was in turmoil; the affection of the allies was being alienated from

him: and if they had waited for even the briefest possible period, they

would have conquered without trouble. As matters went, however, the

heedlessness of Terentius and the submissiveness of Paulus, who always

desired the proper course but assented to his colleague in most

points--so sure is gentleness to be overcome by audacity,--compassed

their defeat. (Mai, p. 196. Zonaras, 9, 1.)

22. ¶ In the melee of the war not even the boldest possessed a hope so

buoyant as to rise above the fear that arose from its uncertainty. The

surer they felt of conquering the more did they tremble for fear they

might in some way come to grief. Those who are ignorant of a matter by

reason of their very lack of perception are not awaiting anything

terrible, but the boldness derived from calculation [lacuna] (Six pages

are lacking.) (Mai, p. 196.)

23. At the time when burst this frightful war, a terrific earthquake

occurred, so that mountains were cleft asunder and showers of great

stones poured down from heaven. But they, fighting vigorously, perceived

none of these things. At last so great a multitude of Roman warriors

fell that Hannibal, the general, in sending to Sicily the finger-rings

of the generals and the other men of repute filled many bushel and peck

measures--so great a multitude that the noble, foremost Roman women ran

lamenting to the temples in Rome and with the hairs of their heads

cleansed the statues there;--and later had intercourse with both slaves

and barbarians (because the Roman land had been utterly impoverished of

men), to the end that their race might not be every whit extirpated.

Rome at that time, after the utter loss of all her citizens, stood

inglorious through many day-coursing cycles. Her old men sitting at her

outer gates bewailed the disaster most grievous to be borne and asked

ever and anon the passers-by whether any one perchance were left alive.

(Tzetzes, Hist. 1, 767-785. (Cp. Fragm. LVI, 19, which precedes this.)

Cp. Zonaras, 9, 1.)

24. ¶ Scipio, on learning that some of the Romans were prepared to

abandon Rome, and indeed all Italy, because they felt it was destined to

fall into the hands of the Carthaginians, yet found a way to restrain

them. Sword in hand he sprang suddenly into the room where they were

conferring, and after himself swearing to take all proper measures both

of word and act he made them also devote themselves by oath to utter

destruction, should they fail to keep their pledges to him. Later these

men reached a harmonious decision and wrote to the consul that they were

safe enough. He, however, did not at once write or despatch a messenger

to Rome; on reaching Canusium he set in order affairs at that place,

sent to the regions in proximity garrisons sufficient for immediate

needs, and repulsed a cavalry attack upon the city. Altogether, he

displayed neither dejection nor terror, but with an unbending spirit,

as if no serious evil had befallen them, he both planned and executed

all measures of immediate benefit. (Valesius, p. 598. Zonaras, 9, 2.)

25. Hannibal took possession of the Nucerini under an agreement that

each man should leave the city carrying one change of clothing. As soon,

however, as he was master of the situation he shut the senators into

bath-houses and suffocated them, and in the case of the others, although

he had granted them permission to go away where they pleased, he cut

down many of them even on the road. Still, this course was of no profit

to him, for the rest became afraid that they might suffer a similar

fate, and so would not come to terms with him and resisted as long as

they could hold out. (Valesius, p. 598. Zonaras, 9, 2.)

26. ¶ Marcellus showed great bravery, moderation, and justice. His

demands on his subjects were not all rigorous or harsh, nor was he

careful to see that they also should do what was needful. Those of them

who committed any errors he pardoned humanely and, furthermore, was not

angry if they failed to be like him. (Valesius, p. 601.)

27. ¶ When many citizens of Nola were dreading the men captured at Cannae

and later released by Hannibal, because they thought that such persons

favored the invader's cause, and when they were even desirous of putting

them to death, he opposed it. Furthermore, he concealed from this time

on the suspicion that he felt toward them, and treated them in such a

way that they chose his side by preference, and became extremely useful

both to their native land and to the Romans. (Valesius, p. 601. Cp.

Zonaras, 9, 2.)

28. ¶ The same Marcellus when he perceived that one of the Lucanian

cavalrymen was in love with a woman permitted him to keep her in the

camp, because he was a most excellent fighter: this in spite of the

fact that he had forbidden any women to enter the ramparts. (Valesius,

p. 601.)

29. ¶ He pursued the same course with the people of Acerrae as he had

with those of Nucreia, except that he cast the senators into wells and

not into bath-houses. (Valesius, p. 601. Zonaras, 9, 2.)

30. ¶ Fabius got back some of the men captured in former battles by

exchanging man for man, while others he made a compact to ransom with

money. When, however, the senate failed to confirm the expenditure,

because it did not approve of their ransoming, he offered for sale, as I

have said, [Footnote: Cp. section 14 (first paragraph) of this fragment.]

his own farms and from the proceeds of them furnished the ransom for the

men. (Valesius, p. 601.)

31. Archimedes, the well-known inventor, was by birth a Syracusan. Now

this old geometrician, who had passed through seventy-five seasons, had

built many powerful engines, and by the triple pulley, with the aid of

the left hand alone, could launch a merchant ship of fifty thousand

medimni burden. And when Marcellus once, the Roman general, assaulted

Syracuse by land and sea, this man first by his engines drew up some

merchantmen, and lifting them up against the wall of Syracuse dropped

them again and sent them every one to the bottom, crews and all. Again,

as Marcellus removed his ships a little distance, the old man gave all

the Syracusans the power to lift stones of a wagon's size, and letting

them go one by one to sink the ships. When Marcellus withdrew a bow

shot thence, the old man manufactured a kind of hexagonal mirror, and at

an interval proportionate to the size of the mirror he set similar small

mirrors with four edges, moving by links and by a kind of hinge, and

made the glass the center of the rays of the sun,--its noontide ray,

whether in summer or in the dead of winter. So after that when the beams

were reflected into this, a terrible kindling of flame arose upon the

ships, and he reduced them to ashes a bowshot off. Thus by his

contrivances did the old man vanquish Marcellus.

He used to say, moreover, in Dorian, the Syracusan dialect: "Give me

where to stand, and with a lever I will move the whole earth."

This man, when (according to Diodorus) this Syracuse surrendered herself

entire to Marcellus, or (according to Dio) was pillaged by the Romans

during an all-night festival to Artemis that the citizens were

celebrating, was killed by a certain Roman in the following fashion.--He

was bent over, drawing some geometrical figure, and some Roman, coming

upon him, made him his prisoner and began to drag him away: but he, with

all his attention fixed just then upon his figure, not knowing who it

was that pulled him said to the man: "Stand aside, fellow, from my

figure." But as the other kept on dragging, he turned, and recognizing

him as a Roman cried out: "Let some one give me one of my machines." The

Roman in terror immediately killed him, an unsound weak old man, but

marvelous through his works. Marcellus straightaway mourned on learning

this, buried him brilliantly in his ancestral tomb, assisted by the

noblest citizens and all the Romans, and the man's murderer, I trow, he

slew with an axe. Dio and Diodorus have written the story. (Tzetzes,

Hist. 2, 103-149. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 4.)

32. Proculus sings of having forged fire-producing mirrors and of having

hung them from the wall opposite the enemy's ships. Then when the rays

of the sun fell upon these, fire was struck out of them that consumed

the naval force of the opponents and the ships themselves,--a device

which Dio relates Archimedes hit upon long ago, at the time when the

Romans were besieging Syracuse. (Zonaras, 14, 3.)

33. Though such a disaster at that time had overwhelmed Rome, Hannibal

neglected to reduce the town, and occupied in triumphs, drinking bouts

and luxurious living appeared sluggish in the enterprise, until at

length a Roman army was collected for the Romans.

[Sidenote: B.C. 211 (_a.u._ 543)] Then was he hindered in three-fold

manner when he set out for Rome. For of a sudden from the clear sky a

most violent hail poured down, and a spreading darkness kept him from

his journey. (Tzetzes, Hist. 1, 786-792. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 6.)

34. Dio in his Roman History 15: "For as a result of their position from

very early times and their pristine friendship for the Romans, they

would not endure to be punished, but the Campanians undertook to accuse

Flaccus and the Syracusans Marcellus. And they were condemned in the

assembly." (Suidas, s. v. [Greek: 'edkaiothaesan'].)

35. Dio in 15th Book: "For fear the Syracusans, in despair of

assistance, commit some act of rebellion." (Bekker, Anecdota, p. 119,

121. Zonaras, 9, 6.)

36. ¶ The Romans had made propositions to Hannibal looking to a return

of the prisoners on both sides, but did not accomplish the exchange

although they sent, Carthalo to them for this very purpose. For when

they would not receive him, as an enemy, within the walls, he refused to

hold any conversation with them, but immediately turned back in anger.

(Ursinus, p. 379. Zonaras, 9, 6.)

37. ¶ Scipio the praetor, who saved his wounded father, surpassed in

natural excellence, was renowned for his education, and possessed great

force both of mind and also of language, whenever the latter was

necessary. These qualities he displayed conspicuously in his acts, so

that he seemed to be high-minded and disposed to do great deeds not for

the sake of an empty boast but as the result of a steadfast tendency.

For these reasons and because he scrupulously paid honors to the

heavenly powers, he was elected. He had never had charge of any public

or private enterprise before he ascended the Capitol and spent some time

there. On this account also he acquired the reputation of having sprung

from Jupiter, who had taken the form of a serpent on the occasion of

intercourse with his mother. [Footnote: Compare the story about Augustus

(Volume III, page 3 of this translation).] And by this tradition he

inspired many with a kind of hope in him. (Valesius, p.601. Zonaras, 9,

7.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 210 (_a.u._ 544)] 38. ¶ Scipio, although he did not

receive the title of legal commander from those by whom he was elected,

nevertheless made the army his friend, roused the men from their

undisciplined state and drilled them, and brought them out of the terror

with which their misfortunes had filled them. As for Marcius, [Footnote:

This is L. Marcius, a knight, who at the death of Publius and Gnaeus

Scipio in Spain was chosen commander by the soldiers.] Scipio did not,

as most men would have done, regard him as unfit because he had acquired

popularity, but both in word and deed always showed him respect. He was

the sort of man to wish to make his way not by slandering and

overthrowing his neighbor, but by his native excellence. And it was this

most of all that helped him to conciliate the soldiers. (Valesius,

p.602.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 209 (_a.u._ 545)] 39. ¶ When a mutiny of the soldiers

took place, Scipio distributed many gifts to the soldiers and designated

many also for the public treasury. Some of the captives he appointed to

service in the general fleet and all the hostages he gave back freely to

their relatives. For this reason many towns and many princes, among them

Indibilis and Mandonius of the Ilergetes, came over to his side. The

Celtiberian race, the largest and strongest of those in that region, he

gained in the following way. He had taken among the captives a maiden

distinguished for her beauty and it was supposed, on general principles,

that he would fall in love with her: and when he learned that she was

betrothed to Allucius, one of the Celtiberian magistrates, he

voluntarily sent for him and delivered the girl to him along with the

ransom her kinsfolk had brought. By this deed he attached to his cause

both them and the rest of the nation. (Valesius, p.602. Zonaras, 9, 8.)

40. ¶ Scipio was clever in strategy, agreeable in society, terrifying to

his opponents, and humane to such as yielded. Furthermore, through his

father's and his uncle's reputation he was thoroughly able to inspire

confidence in his projects, because he was thought to have acquired his

fame by hereditary excellence and not fortuitously. At this time the

swiftness of his victory, the fact that Hasdrubal had retreated into the

interior, and especially the recollection that he had predicted, whether

through divine inspiration or by some chance information, that he would

encamp in the enemy's country,--a prediction now fulfilled,--caused all

to honor him as superior to themselves, while the Spaniards actually

named him Great King. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 8.)

41. ¶ The king of the Spaniards, taken captive by Scipio, chose to

follow the Roman cause, surrendered his own sovereignty, and stood ready

to furnish hostages. Scipio, though he accepted the man's alliance, said

there was no need of hostages, for he possessed the necessary pledge in

his own arms. [Footnote: Probably spurious (Melber).] (Mai, p. 545.)

42. Dio in 16: "You all deserve to die: however, I shall not put you all

to death, but I shall execute only a few whom I have already arrested;

the rest I shall release." (Suidas, s. v. [Greek: edikaiothaesan].

Zonaras, 9, 10.)

43. Later Hannibal incurred the jealousy of the Sicilians, and when he

fell in need of grain, as the islanders did not send it, the former

noble conqueror, now by famine conquered, was put to flight by Scipio

the Roman, and to the Sicilians became part cause of their utter, dire

destruction. (Tzetzes, Hist. 1, 793-797.)

44. Thus these authorities in regard to the Gymnesian islands. Dio

Cocceianus, however, says they are near the Iberus river and near the

European Pillars of Hercules,--which islands the Greeks and Romans alike

call the Gymnesian, but the Spaniards Valerian or Healthful Islands.

(Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 633. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 10.)

45. ¶ Masinissa was in general among the most prominent men and was

wont to accomplish warlike deeds, whether by planning or by force, in

the best manner, and gained the foremost place in the confidence not

only of the men of his own race (and these are most distrustful as a

rule) but of those who greatly prided themselves upon their sagacity.

(Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)

46. ¶ Masinissa became mightily enamoured of Sophonis, [Footnote:

The name appears as Sophoniba in Livy (XXX, 12).] who possessed

conspicuous beauty,--that symmetry of body and bloom of youth which

is characteristic of the prime of life,--and had also been trained

in a liberal literary and musical education. She was of attractive

manners, coy and altogether so lovable that the mere sight of her or

even the sound of her voice vanquished every one, however devoid of

affection he might be. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)

47[lacuna]. However he also wished to take revenge on him. For having

incurred suspicion beforehand he took to flight, and on arriving at

Libya inflicted many injuries by himself and many with Roman aid upon

Syphax and the Carthaginians. Scipio, when he had won over the whole

territory south of the Pyrenees, partly by force, partly by treaty,

equipped himself for the journey to Libya, as he had received orders to

do. This business, too, had now been entrusted to him in spite of much

opposition, and he was instructed to join Syphax. Certainly he would

have accomplished something worthy of his aspirations: he would have

either surrounded Carthage with his troops and have captured the place

or he would have drawn Hannibal from as he later did, had not the Romans

at home through jealousy of him and through fear stood in his way. They

reflected that youth without exception always reaches out after greater

results and good fortune is often insatiate of success, and thought that

it would be very difficult for a youthful spirit [lacuna] through

self-confidence [lacuna] [lacuna] it would be of advantage not to treat

him according to his power and fame but to look to their own liberty and

safety, they dismissed him; in other words, the man that they themselves

had put in charge of affairs when they stood in need of him they now of

their own motion removed because he had become too great for the public

safety. They were no longer anxious to conduct a destructive warfare

through his agency against the Carthaginians, but simply to escape

training up for themselves a self-chosen tyrant. So they sent two of the

praetors to relieve him and called him home. Also they did not vote him a

triumph, because he was campaigning as an individual and had been

appointed to no legal command, but they allowed him to sacrifice a

hundred white oxen upon the Capitol, to celebrate a festival, and to

canvass for the consulship of the second year following. For the

elections for the next year had recently been held.

[Sidenote: B.C. 207 (_a.u._ 547)] At this same period Sulpicius, too,

with Attalus captured Oreus by treachery and Opus by main force. Philip

although in Demetrias was unable to check their encroachments speedily

because the AEtolians had seized the passes in advance. At last,

however, he did arrive on the scene and finding Attalus disposing of the

spoil from Opus (for this had fallen to his lot and that from Oreus to

the Romans) he hurled him back to his ships. Attalus, accordingly, for

this reason and also because Prusias, king of Bithynia, had invaded his

country and was devastating it, hastily sailed away homewards.

Philip, however, far from being elated at this success, even wished to

conclude a truce with the Romans and especially because Ptolemy, too,

was sending ambassadors from Egypt and trying to reconcile them. After

some preliminary discussion [lacuna] he no longer requested peace, but

[lacuna] drew the AEtolians away from the Roman alliance by some [lacuna]

and made them friends.

Nothing worthy of remembrance, however, was done either by him or by any

others either then or in the following year when Lucius Veturius and

Caecilius Metellus became consuls: this notwithstanding the fact that

many signs of ill-omen to the Romans were reported. For example, a

hermaphrodite lamb was born, and a swarm of [lacuna] was seen, down the

doors of the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter two serpents glided, both

the doors and the altar in the temple of Neptune ran with copious sweat,

in Antium bloody ears were seen by some reapers, elsewhere a woman

having horns appeared and many thunderbolts [lacuna] into temples

[lacuna] Paris Fragment (10th Century MS.) (See Haase, Rh. Mus., 1839,

p.458, ff. Zonaras 9, 11.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 205 (_a.u._ 549)]48. ¶ Licinius Crassus, by reason of

his geniality and beauty and wealth (which gained for him the name of

Wealthy) and because he was a high priest, was to stay in Italy without

casting lots for the privilege. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)

49. ¶ The Pythian god commanded the Romans to entrust to the best of the

citizens the conveyance to the city of the goddess from Pessinus, and

they accordingly honored Publius Scipio, a son of Gnaeus who died in

Spain, above all others by their first preference. The reason was that

he was in general [lacuna] and was deemed both pious and just. He at

this time, accompanied by the most prominent women, conducted the

goddess to Rome and to the Palatine. (Valesius, p. 606.)

50. ¶ The Romans on learning of the actions of the Locrians, thinking it

had come about through contempt of Scipio, were displeased, and under

the influence of anger immediately made plans to end his leadership and

to recall him for trial. They were also indignant because he adopted

Greek manners, wore his toga thrown back over his shoulder, and

contended in the palaestra. Furthermore it was said he gave over to the

soldiers the property of the allies to plunder, and he was suspected of

delaying the voyage to Carthage purposely, in order that he might hold

office for a longer time; but it was principally at the instigation of

men who all along had been jealous of him that they wished to summon

him. Still, this proposition was not carried out because of the great

favor, based on their hopes of him, which the mass of the people felt

for him. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras, 9, 11.)

51 [lacuna]. they stopped and pitched a camp in a suitable place and

fenced it all about with palisades, as they had brought in stakes for

this very purpose. It had just been finished when a great serpent came

gliding along beside it on the road leading to Carthage, so that by this

portent, Scipio, owing to the tradition about his father, was

encouraged, and devastated the country and assaulted the cities with

greater boldness. Some of the latter he did succeed in capturing; and

the Carthaginians not yet [lacuna] prepared remained still, and Syphax

was by profession their friend, but, as a matter of fact, he held aloof

from the action; by urging Scipio to come to terms with them he showed

that he was unwilling that either side should conquer the other and at

the same time become his master; on the contrary he desired them to

oppose each other as vigorously as possible but to be at peace with him.

Consequently, as Scipio was harrying the country, Hanno the cavalry

commander (he was a son of Hasdrubal) [lacuna] the [lacuna] was

persuaded on the part of Masinissa [lacuna] to the Carthaginians

[lacuna] warlike [lacuna] was believed, and, therefore, Scipio, sending

forward some horsemen on the advice of Masinissa [lacuna] laid an ambush

in a suitable spot where they were destined [lacuna] making an onset to

simulate flight. Against [lacuna] those wishing to pursue them. This

also took place. The Carthaginians attacked them, and when after a

little by agreement they turned, followed after at full speed while

Masinissa with his accompanying cavalry lagged behind and got in the

rear of the pursuers, and Scipio appearing from ambush went to meet

them: thus they were cut off and overwhelmed with weapons on both sides

and many were killed and captured [lacuna] and also Hanno. On learning

this, Hasdrubal arrested the mother of Masinissa. And those captives

were exchanged, one for the other.

Now Syphax, being well aware that Masinissa would war against him no

less than against the Carthaginians and fearing that he might find

himself bereft of allies if they suffered any harm through his desertion

of their cause, renounced his pretended friendship for the Romans and

attached himself openly to the Carthaginians. He failed to render the

wholehearted assistance, however, to the point of actually resisting the

Romans, and the latter overran the country with impunity, carrying off

much plunder and recovering many prisoners from Italy who had previously

been sent to Libya by Hannibal; consequently they despised their foes

and began a campaign against Utica. When Syphax and Hasdrubal saw this,

they so feared for the safety of the place that they no longer remained

passive; and their approach caused the Romans to abandon the siege,

since they did not dare to contend against two forces at the same time.

Subsequently the invaders went into winter quarters where they were,

getting a part of their provisions from the immediate neighborhood and

sending for a part from Sicily and Sardinia; for the ships that carried

the spoils to Sicily could also bring them food supplies.

In Italy no great results were accomplished in the war against Hannibal.

Publius Sempronius in a small engagement was vanquished by Hannibal, but

later overcame the latter in turn: Livius and Nero, having become

censors, announced to those Latins who had abandoned the joint

expedition and had been designated to furnish a double quota of

soldiers, that a census of persons taxable should be taken; this they

did in order that others, too, might contribute money, and they made

salt, which up to that time had been free of tax, taxable. This measure

was for no other purpose than to satisfy Livius, who designed it, thus

requiting the citizens for their vote of condemnation; and indeed, he

received a nickname from it; after this he was called Salinator.

[Footnote: Salinator = "salt-dealer."] This was one act that caused

these censors to become notorious; another was that they deprived each

other of their horses and made each other aerarii [Footnote: AErarius--a

citizen of the lowest class, who paid only a poll-tax and had no right

to vote.] [lacuna] according to the [lacuna] (Paris fragment (p. 460).

Zonaras, 9, 12.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 203 (_a.u._ 551)] 52. ¶ Scipio captured a Carthaginian

vessel but released it, inflicting no injury when they feigned to have

been coming on an embassy to him. He knew that this pretext was invented

to secure the safety of the captives, but preferred avoiding the

possibility of being touched by the breath of slander to the retention

of the ship. Also, when Syphax at that time was still endeavoring to

reconcile them on the terms that Scipio should sail from Libya and

Hannibal from Italy, he received his proposition not because he trusted

him, but to the end that he might ruin him. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras,

9, 12.)

53. ¶ The Romans came bringing to Scipio along with much other property

Syphax himself. And the commander would not consent to see him remain

bound in chains, but calling to mind his entertainment at the other's

court and reflecting on human misfortunes, on the fact that his captive

had been king over no inconsiderable power and had shown commendable

zeal in his behalf, and that nevertheless he beheld him in so pitiable a

plight,--Scipio leaped from his chair, loosed him, embraced him, and

treated him with great consideration. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras, 9,

13.)

54. ¶ The Carthaginians made propositions to Scipio through heralds, and

of the demands made upon them by him there was none that did not promise

to satisfy, although they never intended to carry out their agreement;

they did, to be sure, give him money at once and gave back all the

prisoners, but in regard to the other matters they sent envoys to Rome.

The Romans would not receive them at that time, declaring that it was a

tradition in the State not to negotiate a peace with any parties while

their armies were in Italy. Later when Hannibal and Mago had embarked,

they granted the envoys an audience and fell into a dispute among

themselves, being of two minds. At last, however, they voted the peace

on the terms that Scipio had arranged. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras, 9,

13.)

55. ¶ The Carthaginians attacked Scipio both by land and by sea. Scipio,

vexed at this, made a complaint, but they returned no proper answer to

the envoys and moreover actually plotted against them when they sailed

back; and had not by chance a wind sprung up and aided them, they would

have been captured or would have perished. On this account Scipio,

although at this time the commissioners arrived with peace for the men

of Carthage, refused any longer to make it. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras,

9, 13.)

56. Nearly all who conduct a military expedition,--or many, at any

rate,--perform voluntarily many acts which would not be required of

them. They look askance at their instructions as something forced upon

them, but are delighted with the projects of their own minds because

they feel themselves so far independent. (Valesius, p. 609.)

57. Dio in Book 17: "He suddenly halted in his running." (Bekker,

Anecd., p. 140, 23. Zonaras, 9, 14.)

58. Dio in _Roman History_ 17: "In general the fortunate party is

inclined to audacity and the unfortunate to moderate behavior, and

accordingly, the timid party is wont to show temperance and the

audacious intemperance. This was to be noted to an especial degree in

that case." [Footnote: This may conceivably relate to Masinissa's

marrying Sophoniba without authorization.] (Suidas s. v. [Greek: host

hephipan])

59. Dio in Roman History 17: "And a report about them of same such

nature as follows was made public." (Suidas and Etymologicum Magnum and

others s. v. [Greek: hedemhothe].)

60. [Greek: henthymixhomenoi] = _calculating_. So Dio in Book 17, Roman

History. (Suidas or Etym. in Cramer. Anecd., Paris, Vol. IV, p. 169, 8.

Zonaras, Lex., p. 750.)

61. [Greek: diathithemi] ("arrange") for [Greek: diaprhattomai]

("accomplish"), with the accusative in Dio, Book 18: "And culling all

the best flowers of philosophy." (Bekker, Anecd., p. 133, 29.) [This is

from two glosses, and there is confusion caused by gaps.--Ed.]

[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u. 553_)]62. [The Carthaginians made overtures

for peace to Scipio. The terms agreed upon were, that they should give

hostages, should return the captives and deserters they were holding

(whether of the Romans or of the allies), should surrender all the

elephants and the triremes (save ten), and for the future possess

neither elephants nor ships, should withdraw from all territory of

Masinissa that they were holding and restore to him the country and the

cities that were properly in his domain, that they should not hold

levies, nor use mercenaries, nor make war upon any one contrary to the

advice and consent of the Romans. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras, 9, 14.)

63. ¶ It seemed to Cornelius [Footnote: _Cu. Cornelius Lentulus_.] the

consul, as well as to many other Romans, that Carthage ought to be

destroyed, and he was wont to say that it was impossible, while that

city existed, for them to be free from fear. (Ursinus, p. 381. Cp.

Zonaras, 9, 14.)

64. In the popular assembly, however, [lacuna] all unanimously voted for

peace. [_About three obscure lines (fragmentary) follow_.]

[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u._ 553)] And of the elephants the larger number

were carried off to Rome, and the rest were presented to Masinissa.

[lacuna] of Carthaginians. And they themselves, immediately after the

ratification of the peace, abandoned Italy, and the Romans, Libya. The

Carthaginians who sent commissioners to Rome were allowed by the Romans

to contribute for the benefit of the captives severally related to them;

and about two hundred of them were sent back without ransoms to Scipio

[lacuna] after the treaty [lacuna] and friendship [lacuna] confirmed;

and they granted peace [lacuna] [Two fragmentary lines.]

Scipio accordingly attained great prominence by these deeds, but

Hannibal was even brought to trial by his own people; he was accused of

having refused to capture Rome when he was able to do so, and of having

appropriated the plunder in Italy. He was not, however, convicted, but

was shortly after entrusted with the highest office in Carthage [lacuna]

[One fragmentary line.] (Paris Fragment, p. 462. Zonaras, 9, 14. Livy,

30:42, 43, 45.) [Frag. LVII]

1[lacuna]. Marcus [lacuna] sent to Philip by the generals [lacuna] from

them either [lacuna] was successful; embassy [lacuna] of Philip and

[lacuna] and some [lacuna] which he himself [lacuna] had sent to the

Carthaginians [lacuna] not at all peace [lacuna] having vanquished

[lacuna] enemies by the [lacuna] rendered them of no less importance in

reputation. (Paris Fragment, p. 463. Cp. Zonaras, 9. 15 = Livy 30:42.)

[Frag. LVII]

2. I found the Dardanians to be a race dwelling above the Illyrians and

Macedonians. And the city of Dardanus is there. (Isaac Tzetzes on

Lycophron, 1128. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 14.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 200 (_a.u._ 554)]3. And they [Footnote: I.e., the Romans

and the Macedonians.]delayed for several days, not meeting in battle

array but conducting skirmishes and sallies of the light-armed troops

and the horse. The Romans, for their part, were eager to join battle

with all speed: their force was a strong one, they had little provision,

and consequently would often go up to the foe's palisade. Philip, on the

other hand, was weaker in point of armed followers, but his supply of

provisions was better than theirs because his own country was close by;

so he waited, expecting that they would become exhausted without a

conflict, and if he had possessed self-control he certainly would have

accomplished something. As it was, he acquired a contempt for the

Romans, thinking that they feared him because they had transferred their

camp to a certain spot from which they could get food better: he

thereupon attacked them unexpectedly while they were engaged in

plundering and managed to kill a few. Galba on perceiving this made a

sortie from the camp, fell upon him while off his guard, and slew many

more in return. Philip, in view of his defeat and the further fact that

he was wounded, no longer held his position but after a truce of some

days for the taking up and burial of the corpses withdrew the first part

of the night. Galba, however, did not follow him up; he was short of

provisions, he did not know the country, and particularly he was

ignorant of his adversary's strength; he was also afraid that if he

advanced inconsiderately he might come to grief. For these reasons he

was unwilling to proceed farther, but retired to Apollonia.

During this same time Apustius with the Rhodians and with Attalus

cruised about and subjugated many of the islands [lacuna] (Paris

Fragment, p. 464. Zonaras, 9, 15. Cp. Livy, 31:21 ff.)

4. The Insubres were thrown into confusion. For Hamilcar, a

Carthaginian, who had made a campaign with Mago and remained secretly in

those regions, after a term of quiet, during which he was satisfied

merely to elude discovery, as soon as the Macedonian war broke out,

caused the Gauls to revolt from the Romans; then in company with the

rebels he made an expedition against the Ligurians and won over some of

them. Later they had a battle with the praetor Lucius Furius, were

defeated, and sent envoys asking peace. This the Ligurians obtained;

then others [lacuna] [Five fragmentary lines.] (Paris Fragment, p. 465.

Zonaras, 9, 15.)

5[lacuna]. he thought he ought to be granted a triumph, and many

arguments were presented on both sides. Some, especially in view of the

malignity of Aurelius, eagerly furthered his cause and magnified his

victory, using many illustrations. Others declared he had contended with

the help of the consular army and had no individual and independent

appointment, and furthermore they even demanded an accounting from him

because he had not carried out his instructions. However, he won his

point. And he in that place [lacuna] before Aurelius [lacuna] Vermis

[lacuna] from the [lacuna] (Paris Fragment, p. 465. Cp. Livy, 31:47 ff.)

[Frag. LVIII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 197 (_a.u._ 557)] ¶ Philip after his defeat sent heralds

to Flamininus. The latter, however eagerly he coveted Macedonia and

desired the fullest results from his good fortune of the moment,

nevertheless made a truce. The cause lay in the fear that, if Philip

were out of the way, the Greeks might recover their ancient spirit and

no longer pay them court, that the AEtolians, already filled with great

boasting because they had contributed the largest share to the victory,

might become more vexatious to them, and that Antiochus might, as was

reported, come to Europe and form an alliance with Philip. (Ursinus, p.

381. Zonaras, 9, 16.)

[Frag. LIX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 192 (_a.u._ 562)] 1. ¶ Antiochus and his generals were

ruined beforehand; for by his general indolence and his passion for a

certain girl he had drifted into luxurious living and had at the same

time rendered the rest unfit for warfare. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9,

19.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 190 (_a.u._ 564)] 2. ¶ Seleucus [Footnote: Probably an

error of the excerptor, for Antiochus himself.] the son of Antiochus

captured the son of Africanus, who was sailing across from Greece, and

had given him the kindest treatment. Although his father many times

requested the privilege of ransoming him, his captor refused, yet did

him no harm: on the contrary, he showed him every honor and finally,

though he failed of securing peace, released him without ransom.

(Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 20.)

[Frag. LX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 189 (_a.u._ 565)] ¶ Many were jealous of the Scipios

because the two brothers of excellent stock and trained in virtue had

accomplished all that has been related and had secured such titles. That

these victors could not be charged with wrongdoing is made plain by my

former statements and was shown still more conclusively on the occasion

of the confiscation of the property of Asiaticus,--which was found to

consist merely of his original inheritance,--or again by the retirement

of Africanus to Liternum and the security that he enjoyed there to the

end of his life. At first he did appear in court, [Footnote: Political

enemies of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus summoned him to court on

trumped-up charges.] thinking that he would be saved by the genuineness

of his good behavior. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 20.)

[Frag. LXI]

¶ The Romans, when they had had a taste of Asiatic luxury and had

spent some time in the possessions of the vanquished amid the

abundance of spoils and the license granted by success in arms,

rapidly came to emulate their prodigality and ere long to trample

under foot their ancestral traditions. Thus this terrible influence,

arising from that source, fell also upon the city. (Valesius, p. 609.)

[Frag. LXII]

¶ Gracchus was thoroughly a man of the people and a very fluent public

speaker, but his disposition was very different from Cato's. Although

he had an enmity of long standing against the Scipios, he would not

endure what was taking place but spoke in defence of Africanus, who

was accused while absent, and exerted himself to prevent any smirch

from attaching to that leader; and he prevented the imprisonment of

Asiaticus. Consequently the Scipios, too, relinquished their hatred of

him and made a family alliance, Africanus bestowing upon him his own

daughter. (Valesius, p. 610.)

[Frag. LXIII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 187 (_a.u._ 567)] ¶ Some youths who had insulted the

Carthaginian envoys that had come to Rome were sent to Carthage and

delivered up to the people; they received no injury, however, at the

hands of the citizens and were released. (Ursinus, p. 381.)

[Frag. LXIV]

[Sidenote: B.C. 183 (_a.u._ 571)] ¶ He himself [i.e. Hannibal] died by

drinking poison near Bithynia, in a certain place called Libyssa by

name; though he thought to die in Libyssa his own proper country. For an

oracle had once been written down for Hannibal to the following effect:

"A Libyssan clod shall hide the form of Hannibal." Later the Roman

Emperor Severus, being of Libyan birth, interred in a tomb of white

marble this man, the general Hannibal. (Tzetzes. Hist. 1, 798-805. Cp.

Zonaras, 9, 21.)

[Frag. LXV]

[Sidenote: B.C. 169 (_a.u._ 585)] 1. ¶ Perseus hoped to eject the Romans

from Greece completely, but through his excessive and inopportune

parsimony and the consequent contempt of his allies he became weak once

more. When Roman influence was declining slightly and his own was

increasing, he was filled with scorn and thought he had no further need

of his allies, but believed that either they would assist him free of

cost or he could prevail by himself. Hence he paid neither Eumenes nor

Gentius the money that he had promised, thinking that they must have

reasons of their own strong enough to insure hostility towards the

Romans. These princes, therefore, and the Thrasians--they, too, were not

receiving their full pay--became indifferent; and Perseus fell into such

depths of despair again as actually to sue for peace. (Valesius, p. 610.

Zonaras, 9, 22.)

2. ¶ Perseus sued for peace at the hands of the Romans, and would have

obtained it but for the presence in his embassy of the Rhodians, who

joined it through fear that a rival to the Romans might be annihilated.

Their language had none of the moderation which petitioners should

employ, and they talked as if they were not so much asking peace for

Perseus as bestowing it, and adopted a generally haughty tone: finally

they threatened those who should be responsible for their failing to

come to a satisfactory agreement by saying that they would fight on the

opposite side. They had previously been somewhat under the ban of Roman

suspicion, but after this many more hard things were said of them and

they prevented Perseus from obtaining peace. (Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras,

9, 22.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 168 (_a.u._ 586)]3. ¶ When Perseus was in the temple at

Samothrace, a demand was made upon him for the surrender of one Evander,

of Cretan stock, a most faithful follower who had assisted him in many

schemes against the Romans and had helped to concoct the plot carried

out at Delphi against Eumenes. The prince, fearing that he might declare

all the intrigues to which he had been privy, did not deliver him but

secretly slew him and spread abroad the report that he had made way with

himself in advance. The associates of Perseus, fearing his treachery

and blood-guiltiness, then began to desert his standard. (Valesius, p.

610. Zonaras, 9, 23.)

4. ¶ Perseus allowed himself [Footnote: Cp. Livy, XLV, 6.] to be found,

and upon his being brought to Amphipolis Paulus accorded him no harsh

treatment by deed or word, but on the contrary made way for him when he

approached, entertained him in various ways and had him sit at his

table, keeping him, meanwhile, although a prisoner, unconfined and

showing him every courtesy. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 23.)

[Frag. LXVI]

¶ Paulus was not only good at generalship but most inaccessible to

bribes. Of this the following is proof. Though he had at that time

entered for a second term upon the consulship and had gained possession

of untold spoils, he continued to live in so great indigence that when

he died the dowry was with difficulty paid back to his wife. Such was

the nature of the man and such were his deeds. The only thing regarded

as a blemish that attaches to his character is his turning over the

possessions [of the Epirots?] to his soldiers for pillage: for the rest,

he showed himself a man not devoid of charm and temperate in good

fortune, who was seen to be extremely lucky and at the same time full of

wise counsel in dealing with the enemy. As an illustration: he was not

cowardly or heedless in waging war against Perseus, but afterward did

not assume a pompous or boastful air toward him. (Valesius, p. 613.

Zonaras, 9, 24.)

[Frag. LXVII]

1. ¶ The Rhodians, who formerly had possessed a vast amount of

self-esteem, thinking that they, too, ranked as conquerors of Philip and

Antiochus, and were stronger than the Romans, fell into such depths of

terror as to despatch an ambassador to Antiochus, king of Syria, and

summon Popilius, in whose presence they condemned all those opposed to

the Roman policy and then sent such as were arrested to punishment.

(Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 24.)

2. ¶ The same persons, though they had often sent envoys to them, as

frequently as they wanted anything, now ceased to bring to their

attention any of the former enterprises, but mentioned only those cases

which they could cite pertaining to services once rendered which might

be useful in diverting Roman ill-will. They were especially anxious at

this time to secure the title of Roman allies. Previously they had

refused to accept it. They had wished to inspire some fear in

Rome,--for, not being bound to friendship by any oath, they had power to

transfer their allegiance at any time,--and furthermore to be courted by

such states as from time to time might be engaged in war with that city.

But now they were looking to confirm the favor of the Romans and to the

consequent honor that was sure to be accorded to them by others.

(Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 24.)

[Frag. LXVIII]

¶ Prusias himself entered the senate-house at Rome and covered the

threshold with kisses. The senators he termed gods, and worshiped them.

Thus, then, he obtained an abundance of pity, though he had fought

against Attalus contrary to the Roman decision. It was said that at

home, too, whenever their envoys came to him, he worshiped them, calling

himself a freedman of the people, and often he would put on a slave's

cap. (Ursinus, p. 383. Zonaras, 9, 24.)

[Frag. LXIX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 149 (_a.u._ 605)] ¶ Scipio Africanus excelled in

planning out at leisure the requisite course, but excelled also in

discovering at a moment's notice what needed to be done, and knew how to

employ either method on the proper occasion. The duties that lay before

him he reviewed boldly but accomplished their fulfillment as if with

timidity. Therefore by his fearless detailed investigation he obtained

accurate knowledge of the fitting action in every emergency, and by his

good judgment in doubtful cases met these emergencies safely.

Consequently, if he was ever brought face to face with some need that

admitted of no deliberation,--as is wont to happen in the contradictions

of warfare and the turns of fortune--not even then did he miss the

proper course. Through accustoming himself to regard no happening as

unreasonable he was not unprepared for the assault of sudden events,

but through his incessant activity was able to meet the unexpected as if

he had forseen it long before. As a result he showed himself daring in

matters where he felt he was right, and ready to run risks where he felt

bold. In bodily frame he was strong as the best of the soldiers. This

led to one of his most remarkable characteristics: he would devise

movements that looked advantageous as if he were merely going to command

others, and at the time of action would execute them as if they had been

ordered by others. Besides not swerving from the ordinary paths of

rectitude, he kept faith scrupulously not only with the citizens and his

acquaintances, but with foreign and most hostile nations. This, too,

brought many individuals as well as many cities to his standard. He

never spoke or acted without due consideration or through anger or fear,

but as a result of the certainty of his calculations he was ready for

all chances: he had thought out practically all human possibilities; he

never did anything unexpected, but deliberated every matter beforehand,

according to its nature. Thus he perceived very easily the right course

to follow even before there was any necessity, and pursued it with

firmness.

These are the reasons, or chiefly these--I should mention also his

moderation and amiability--that he alone of men escaped the envy of his

peers, or of any one else. He chose to make himself like to his

inferiors, not better than his equals, weaker than greater men, and so

passed beyond the power of jealousy, which harasses only the noblest

men. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 27.)

[Frag. LXX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 148 (_a.u._ 606)] Dio in Book 21: "Phameas, despairing

of the Carthaginian cause" [lacuna] (Bekker, Anecd. p. 124, 9a. Zonaras,

9, 27.)

[Frag. LXXI]

What age limit, pray, is imposed upon those who from their very boyhood

set their faces toward obtaining a right state of mind? What number of

years has been settled upon with reference to the fulfillment of duties?

Is it not true that all who enjoy an excellent nature and good fortune

both think and do in all things what is right from the very beginning,

whereas those who at this age of their life have little sense would

never subsequently grow more prudent, even if they should pass through

many years? A man may continue to improve upon his former condition as

he advances in age, but not one would turn out wise from being foolish,

or sensible from being silly. Do not, therefore, put the young into a

state of dejection through the idea that they are actually condemned to

a state of inability to perform their duties. On the contrary, you ought

to urge them to practice zealously the performance of all that they are

required to do, and to look for both honors and offices even before they

reach old age. By this course you will render their elders better,

too,--first, by confronting them with many competitors, and next by

making clear that you are going to establish not length of years but

innate excellence as the test in conferring positions of command upon

any citizens, even more than you do in the case of ordinary benefits.

[Footnote: These words would appear to be taken from the speech before

the senate of some such person as a tribune of the plebs, and to relate

either to the consulship of Scipio AEmilianus (B.C. 148) or to the

Spanish appointment of Scipio Africanus (B.C. 211), preferably the

former.] (Mai, p. 547, and also Excerpts from a Florentine MS. of John

of Antioch's _Parallela_. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 29.)

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