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History of the French Revolution from 1789 to 1814

F. A. M. Mignet

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Title: History of the French Revolution from 1789 to 1814

Author: F. A. M. Mignet

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HISTORY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION FROM 1789 TO 1814

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INTRODUCTION

Of the great incidents of History, none has attracted more attention or

proved more difficult of interpretation than the French Revolution. The

ultimate significance of other striking events and their place in the

development of mankind can be readily estimated. It is clear enough that

the barbarian invasions marked the death of the classical world, already

mortally wounded by the rise of Christianity. It is clear enough that the

Renaissance emancipated the human intellect from the trammels of a bastard

mediaevalism, that the Reformation consolidated the victory of the "new

learning" by including theology among the subjects of human debate. But

the French Revolution seems to defy complete analysis. Its complexity was

great, its contradictions numerous and astounding. A movement ostensibly

directed against despotism culminated in the establishment of a despotism

far more complete than that which had been overthrown. The apostles of

liberty proscribed whole classes of their fellow-citizens, drenching in

innocent blood the land which they claimed to deliver from oppression. The

apostles of equality established a tyranny of horror, labouring to

extirpate all who had committed the sin of being fortunate. The apostles

of fraternity carried fire and sword to the farthest confines of Europe,

demanding that a continent should submit to the arbitrary dictation of a

single people. And of the Revolution were born the most rigid of modern

codes of law, that spirit of militarism which to-day has caused a world to

mourn, that intolerance of intolerance which has armed anti-clerical

persecutions in all lands. Nor were the actors in the drama less varied

than the scenes enacted. The Revolution produced Mirabeau and Talleyrand,

Robespierre and Napoleon, Sieyes and Hebert. The marshals of the First

Empire, the doctrinaires of the Restoration, the journalists of the

Orleanist monarchy, all were alike the children of this generation of

storm and stress, of high idealism and gross brutality, of changing

fortunes and glory mingled with disaster.

To describe the whole character of a movement so complex, so diverse in

its promises and fulfilment, so crowded with incident, so rich in action,

may well be declared impossible. No sooner has some proposition been

apparently established, than a new aspect of the period is suddenly

revealed, and all judgments have forthwith to be revised. That the

Revolution was a great event is certain; all else seems to be uncertain.

For some it is, as it was for Charles Fox, much the greatest of all events

and much the best. For some it is, as it was for Burke, the accursed

thing, the abomination of desolation. If its dark side alone be regarded,

it oppresses the very soul of man. A king, guilty of little more than

amiable weakness and legitimate or pious affection; a queen whose gravest

fault was but the frivolity of youth and beauty, was done to death. For

loyalty to her friends, Madame Roland died; for loving her husband,

Lucille Desmoulins perished. The agents of the Terror spared neither age

nor sex; neither the eminence of high attainment nor the insignificance of

ads:

dull mediocrity won mercy at their hands. The miserable Du Barri was

dragged from her obscure retreat to share the fate of a Malesherbes, a

Bailly, a Lavoisier. Robespierre was no more protected by his cold

incorruptibility, than was Barnave by his eloquence, Hebert by his

sensuality, Danton by his practical good sense. Nothing availed to save

from the all-devouring guillotine. Those who did survive seem almost to

have survived by chance, delivered by some caprice of fortune or by the

criminal levity of "les tricoteuses," vile women who degraded the very

dregs of their sex.

For such atrocities no apology need be attempted, but their cause may be

explained, the factors which produced such popular fury may be understood.

As he stands on the terrace of Versailles or wanders through the vast

apartments of the chateau, the traveller sees in imagination the dramatic

panorama of the long-dead past. The courtyard is filled with half-demented

women, clamouring that the Father of his People should feed his starving

children. The Well-Beloved jests cynically as, amid torrents of rain,

Pompadour is borne to her grave. Maintenon, gloomily pious, urges with

sinister whispers the commission of a great crime, bidding the king save

his vice-laden soul. Montespan laughs happily in her brief days of

triumph. And dominating the scene is the imposing figure of the Grand

Monarque. Louis haunts his great creation; Louis in his prime, the admired

and feared of Europe, the incarnation of kingship; Louis surrounded by

his gay and brilliant court, all eager to echo his historic boast, to sink

in their master the last traces of their identity.

Then a veil falls. But some can lift it, to behold a far different, a far

more stirring vision, and to such the deeper causes of the Terror are

revealed. For they behold a vast multitude, stained with care, haggard,

forlorn, striving, dying, toiling even to their death, that the passing

whim of a tyrant may be gratified. Louis commanded; Versailles arose, a

palace of rare delight for princes and nobles, for wits and courtly

prelates, for grave philosophers and ladies frail as fair. A palace and a

hell, a grim monument to regal egoism, created to minister to the inflated

vanity of a despot, an eternal warning to mankind that the abuse of

absolute power is an accursed thing. Every flower, in those wide gardens

has been watered with the tears of stricken souls; every stone in that

vast pile of buildings was cemented with human blood. None can estimate

the toll of anguish exacted that Versailles might be; none can tell all

its cost, since for human suffering there is no price. The weary toilers

went to their doom, unnoticed, unhonoured, their misery unregarded, their

pain ignored, And the king rejoiced in his glory, while his poets sang

paeans in his praise.

But the day of reckoning came, and that day was the Terror. The heirs of

those who toiled made their account with the heirs of those who played.

The players died bravely, like the gallant gentlemen they were; their

courage is applauded, a world laments their fate. The misery, thus

avenged, is forgotten; all the long agony of centuries, all the sunless

hours, all the darkness of a land's despair. For that sadness was hidden;

it was but the exceeding bitter lot of the poor, devoid of that dramatic

interest which illumines one immortal hour of pain. Yet he who would

estimate aright the Terror, who would fully understand the Revolution,

must reflect not only upon the suffering of those who fell victims to an

outburst of insensate frenzy, but also upon the suffering by which that

frenzy was aroused. In a few months the French people took what recompense

they might for many decades of oppression. They exacted retribution for

the building of Versailles, of all the chateaux of Touraine; for all the

burdens laid upon them since that day when liberty was enchained and

France became the bond-slave of her monarchs. Louis XVI. paid for the

selfish glory of Louis XIV.; the nobles paid for the pleasures which their

forefathers had so carelessly enjoyed; the privileged classes for the

privileges which they had usurped and had so grievously misused.

The payment fell heavily upon individuals; the innocent often suffered for

the guilty; a Liancourt died while a Polignac escaped. Many who wished

well to France, many who had laboured for her salvation, perished; virtue

received the just punishment of vice. But the Revolution has another side;

it was no mere nightmare of horrors piled on horrors. It is part of the

pathos of History that no good has been unattended by evil, that by

suffering alone is mankind redeemed, that through the valley of shadow

lies the path by which the race toils slowly towards the fulfilment of its

high destiny. And if the victims of the guillotine could have foreseen the

future, many might have died gladly. For by their death they brought the

new France to birth. The Revolution rises superior to the crimes and

follies of its authors; it has atoned to posterity for all the sorrow that

it caused, for all the wrong that was done in its name. If it killed

laughter, it also dried many tears. By it privilege was slain in France,

tyranny rendered more improbable, almost impossible. The canker of a

debased feudalism was swept away. Men were made equal before the law.

Those barriers by which the flow of economic life in France was checked

were broken down. All careers were thrown open to talent. The right of the

producer to a voice in the distribution of the product was recognised.

Above all, a new gospel of political liberty was expounded. The world, and

the princes of the world, learned that peoples do not exist for the

pleasure of some despot and the profit of his cringing satellites. In the

order of nature, nothing can be born save through suffering; in the order

of politics, this is no less true. From the sorrow of brief months has

grown the joy of long years; the Revolution slew that it might also make

alive.

Herein, perhaps, may be found the secret of its complexity, of its seeming

contradictions. The authors of the Revolution pursued an ideal, an ideal

expressed in three words, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. That they might

win their quest, they had both to destroy and to construct. They had to

sweep away the past, and from the resultant chaos to construct a new

order. Alike in destruction and construction, they committed errors; they

fell far below their high ideals. The altruistic enthusiasts of the

National Assembly gave place to the practical politicians of the

Convention, the diplomatists of the Directory, the generals of the

Consulate. The Empire was far from realising that bright vision of a

regenerate nation which had dazzled the eyes of Frenchmen in the first

hours of the States-General. Liberty was sacrificed to efficiency;

equality to man's love for titles of honour; fraternity to desire of

glory. So it has been with all human effort. Man is imperfect, and his

imperfection mars his fairest achievements. Whatever great movement may be

considered, its ultimate attainment has fallen far short of its initial

promise. The authors of the Revolution were but men; they were no more

able than their fellows to discover and to hold fast to the true way of

happiness. They wavered between the two extremes of despotism and anarchy;

they declined from the path of grace. And their task remained unfulfilled.

Many of their dreams were far from attaining realisation; they inaugurated

no era of perfect bliss; they produced no Utopia. But their labour was not

in vain. Despite its disappointments, despite all its crimes and blunders,

the French Revolution was a great, a wonderful event. It did contribute to

the uplifting of humanity, and the world is the better for its occurrence.

That he might indicate this truth, that he might do something to

counteract the distortion of the past, Mignet wrote his _Histoire de la

Revolution Francaise_. At the moment when he came from Aix to Paris, the

tide of reaction was rising steadily in France. Decazes had fallen; Louis

XVIII. was surrendering to the ultra-royalist cabal. Aided by such

fortuitous events as the murder of the Duc de Berri, and supported by an

artificial majority in the Chamber, Villele was endeavouring to bring back

the _ancien regime_. Compensation for the _emigres_ was already mooted;

ecclesiastical control of education suggested. Direct criticism of the

ministry was rendered difficult, and even dangerous, by the censorship of

the press. Above all, the champions of reaction relied upon a certain

misrepresentation of the recent history of their country. The memory of

the Terror was still vivid; it was sedulously kept alive. The people were

encouraged to dread revolutionary violence, to forget the abuses by which

that violence had been evoked and which it had swept away. To all

complaints of executive tyranny, to all demands for greater political

liberty, the reactionaries made one answer. They declared that through

willingness to hear such complaints Louis XVI. had lost his throne and

life; that through the granting of such demands, the way had been prepared

for the bloody despotism of Robespierre. And they pointed the apparent

moral, that concessions to superficially mild and legitimate requests

would speedily reanimate the forces of anarchy. They insisted that by

strong government and by the sternest repression of the disaffected alone

could France be protected from a renewal of that nightmare of horror, at

the thought of which she still shuddered. And hence those who would

prevent the further progress of reaction had first of all to induce their

fellow-countrymen to realise that the Revolution was no mere orgy of

murder. They had to deliver liberty from those calumnies by which its

curtailment was rendered possible and even popular.

Understanding this, Mignet wrote. It would have been idle for him to have

denied that atrocities had been committed, nor had the day for a panegyric

on Danton, for a defence of Robespierre, yet dawned. Mignet did not

attempt the impossible. Rather by granting the case for his opponents he

sought to controvert them the more effectively. He laid down as his

fundamental thesis that the Revolution was inevitable. It was the outcome

of the past history of France; it pursued the course which it was bound to

pursue. Individuals and episodes in the drama are thus relatively

insignificant and unimportant. The crimes committed may be regretted;

their memory should not produce any condemnation of the movement as a

whole. To judge the Revolution by the Terror, or by the Consulate, would

be wrong and foolish; to declare it evil, because it did not proceed in a

gentle and orderly manner would be to outrage the historical sense. It is

wiser and more profitable to look below the surface, to search out those

deep lessons which may be learned. And Mignet closes his work by stating

one of these lessons, that which to him was, perhaps, the most vital: "On

ne peut regir desormais la France d'une maniere durable, qu'en

satisfaisant le double besoin qui lui a fait entreprendre la revolution.

Il lui faut, dans le gouvernement, une liberte politique reelle, et dans

la societe, le bien-etre materiel que produit le developpement sans cesse

perfectionne de la civilisation."

It was not Mignet's object to present a complete account of the

Revolution, and while he records the more important events of the period,

he does not attempt to deal exhaustively with all its many sides. It is

accordingly possible to point out various omissions. He does not explain

the organisation of the "deputies on mission," he only glances at that of

the commune or of the Committee of Public Safety. His account of the

Consulate and of the Empire appears to be disproportionately brief. But

the complexity of the period, and the wealth of materials for its history,

render it impossible for any one man to discuss it in detail, and Mignet's

work gains rather than loses by its limitations. Those facts which

illustrate his fundamental thesis are duly recorded; the causes and

results of events are clearly indicated; the actions of individuals are

described in so far as they subserve the author's purpose. The whole book

is marked by a notable impartiality; it is only on rare occasions, as in

the case of Lafayette, that the circumstances in which it was written have

been permitted to colour the judgments passed. Nor is the value of the

work seriously reduced by the fact that modern research compels its

revision in certain particulars, since it is so clearly not intended to be

a final and detailed history of the period. It is a philosophical study of

a great epoch, and as such, however its point of view may be criticised,

it is illuminating and well worthy of preservation. It supplies a

thoughtful and inspiring commentary upon the French Revolution.

L. CECIL JANE.

1915.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE.--Francois Auguste Marie Mignet was born at Aix in

Provence in 1796. He was educated at Avignon and in his native town, at

first studying law. But, having gained some literary successes, he removed

to Paris in 1821 and devoted himself to writing. He became professor of

history at the _Athenee_, and after the Revolution of 1830 was made

director of the archives in the Foreign Office, a post which he held until

1848. He was then removed by Lamartine and died in retirement in 1854. His

_Histoire de la Revolution Francaise_ was first published in 1824; a

translation into English appeared in Bogue's European library in 1846 and

is here re-edited. Among Mignet's other works may be mentioned _Antoine

Perez et Philippe II._ and _Histoire de Marie Stuart_. As a journalist, he

wrote mainly on foreign policy for the _Courrier Francais_.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Eloge de Charles VII., 1820; Les Institutions de Saint Louis, 1821; De la

feodalite, des institutions de Saint Louis et de l'influence de la

legislation de ce prince, 1822; Histoire de la revolution francaise, 1824

(trans. 2 vols., London, 1826, Bonn's Libraries, 1846); La Germanie au

VIIIe et au IXe siecle, sa conversion au christianisme, et son

introduction dans la societe civilisee de l'Europe occidentale, 1834;

Essai sur la formation territoriale et politique de la France depuis la

fin de XIe siecle jusqu'a la fin du XVe, 1836; Notices et Memoires

historiques, 1843; Charles Quint, son abdication, son sejour, et sa mort

au monastere de Yuste, 1845; Antonio Perez et Philippe II., 1845

(translated by C. Cocks, London, 1846; translated from second French

edition by W. F. Ainsworth, London, 1846); Histoire de Marie Stuart, 2

vols., 1851 (translated by A. R. Scoble, 1851); Portraits et Notices,

historiques et litteraires, 2 vols., 1852; Eloges historiques, 1864;

Histoire de la rivalite de Francois I. et de Charles Quint, 1875; Nouveaux

eloges historiques, 1877.

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

Character of the French revolution--Its results, its progress--Successive

forms of the monarchy--Louis XIV. and Louis XV.--State of men's minds, of

the finances, of the public power and the public wants at the accession of

Louis XVI.--His character--Maurepas, prime minister--His policy--Chooses

popular and reforming ministers--His object--Turgot, Malesherbes, Necker--

Their plans--Opposed by the court and the privileged classes--Their

failure--Death of Maurepas--Influence of the Queen, Marie-Antoinette--

Popular ministers are succeeded by court ministers--Calonne and his

system--Brienne, his character and attempts--Distressed state of the

finances--Opposition of the assembly of the notables, of the parliament,

and provinces--Dismissal of Brienne--Second administration of Necker--

Convocation of the states-general--Immediate causes of the revolution.

CHAPTER I

FROM THE 5TH OF MAY, 1789, TO THE NIGHT OF THE 4TH OF AUGUST

Opening of the states-general--Opinion of the court, of the ministry, and

of the various bodies of the kingdom respecting the states--Verification

of powers--Question of vote by order or by poll--The order of the commons

forms itself into a national assembly--The court causes the Hall of the

states to be closed--Oath of the Tennis-court--The majority of the order

of the clergy unites itself with the commons--Royal sitting of the 23rd of

June--Its inutility--Project of the court--Events of the 12th, 13th, and

14th of July--Dismissal of Necker--Insurrection of Paris--Formation of

the national guard--Siege and taking of the Bastille--Consequences of the

14th of July--Decrees of the night of the 4th of August--Character of the

revolution which had just been brought about.

CHAPTER II

FROM THE NIGHT OF THE 4TH OF AUGUST TO THE 5TH AND 6TH OF

OCTOBER, 1789

State of the constituent assembly--Party of the high clergy and nobility--

Maury and Cazales--Party of the ministry and of the two chambers: Mounier,

Lally-Tollendal--Popular party: triumvirate of Barnave, Duport, and

Lameth--Its position--Influence of Sieyes--Mirabeau chief of the assembly

at that period--Opinion to be formed of the Orleans party--Constitutional

labours--Declaration of rights--Permanency and unity of the legislative

body--Royal sanction--External agitation caused by it--Project of the

court--Banquet of the gardes-du-corps--Insurrection of the 5th and 6th

October--The king comes to reside at Paris.

CHAPTER III

FROM THE 6TH OF OCTOBER, 1789, TO THE DEATH OF MIRABEAU,

APRIL, 1791

Results of the events of October--Alteration of the provinces into

departments--Organization of the administrative and municipal authorities

according to the system of popular sovereignty and election--Finances; all

the means employed are insufficient--Property of the clergy declared

national--The sale of the property of the clergy leads to assignats--Civil

constitution of the clergy--Religious opposition of the bishops--

Anniversary of the 14th of July--Abolition of titles--Confederation of the

Champ de Mars--New organization of the army--Opposition of the officers--

Schism respecting the civil constitution of the clergy--Clubs--Death of

Mirabeau--During the whole of this period the separation of parties

becomes more decided.

CHAPTER IV

FROM APRIL, 1791, TO THE 30TH SEPTEMBER, THE END OF THE

CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY

Political state of Europe before the French revolution--System of alliance

observed by different states--General coalition against the revolution--

Motives of each power--Conference of Mantua, and circular of Pavia--Flight

to Varennes--Arrest of the king--His suspension--The republican party

separate, for the first time, from the party of the constitutional

monarchy--The latter re-establishes the king--Declaration of Pilnitz--The

king accepts the constitution--End of the constituent assembly--Opinion of

it.

THE NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

CHAPTER V

FROM THE 1ST OF OCTOBER, 1791, TO THE 21ST OF SEPTEMBER, 1792

Early relations between the legislative assembly and the king--State of

parties: the Feuillants rely on the middle classes, the Girondists on the

people--Emigration and the dissentient clergy; decree against them; the

king's veto--Declarations of war--Girondist ministry; Dumouriez, Roland--

Declaration of war against the king of Hungary and Bohemia--Disasters of

our armies; decree for a camp of reserve for twenty thousand men at Paris;

decree of banishment against the nonjuring priests; veto of the king; fall

of the Girondist ministry--Petition of insurgents of the 20th of June to

secure the passing of the decrees and the recall of the ministers--Last

efforts of the constitutional party--Manifesto of the duke of Brunswick--

Events of the 10th of August--Military insurrection of Lafayette against

the authors of the events of the 10th of August; it fails--Division of the

assembly and the new commune; Danton--Invasion of the Prussians--

Massacres of the 2nd of September--Campaign of the Argonne--Causes of the

events under the legislative assembly.

THE NATIONAL CONVENTION

CHAPTER VI

FROM THE 20TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1792, TO THE 21ST OF JANUARY, 1793

First measures of the Convention--Its composition--Rivalry of the Gironde

and of the Mountain--Strength and views of the two parties--Robespierre:

the Girondists accuse him of aspiring to the dictatorship--Marat--Fresh

accusation of Robespierre by Louvet; Robespierre's defence; the Convention

passes to the order of the day--The Mountain, victorious in this struggle,

demand the trial of Louis XVI.--Opinions of parties on this subject--The

Convention decides that Louis XVI. shall be tried, and by itself--Louis

XVI. at the Temple; his replies before the Convention; his defence; his

condemnation; courage and serenity of his last moments--What he was, and

what he was not, as a king.

CHAPTER VII

FROM THE 21ST OF JANUARY, 1793, TO THE 2ND OF JUNE

Political and military situation of France--England, Holland, Spain,

Naples, and all the circles of the empire fall in with the coalition--

Dumouriez, after having conquered Belgium, attempts an expedition into

Holland--He wishes to re-establish constitutional monarchy--Reverses of

our armies--Struggle between the Gironde and the Mountain--Conspiracy of

the 10th of March--Insurrection of La Vendee; its progress--Defection of

Dumouriez--The Gironde accused of being his accomplices--New conspiracies

against them--Establishment of the Commission of Twelve to frustrate the

conspirators--Insurrections of the 27th and 31st of May against the

Commission of Twelve; its suppression--Insurrection of the 2nd of June

against the two-and-twenty leading Girondists; their arrest--Total defeat

of that party.

CHAPTER VIII

FROM THE 2ND OF JUNE, 1793, TO APRIL, 1794

Insurrection of the departments against the 31st of May--Protracted

reverses on the frontiers--Progress of the Vendeans--The _Montagnards_

decree the constitution of 1793, and immediately suspend it to maintain

and strengthen the revolutionary government--_Levee en masse_; law against

suspected persons--Victories of the _Montagnards_ in the interior, and on

the frontiers--Death of the queen, of the twenty-two Girondists, etc.--

Committee of public safety; its power; its members--Republican calendar--

The conquerors of the 31st of May separate--The ultra-revolutionary

faction of the commune, or the Hebertists, abolish the catholic religion,

and establish the worship of Reason; its struggle with the committee of

public safety; its defeat--The moderate faction of the _Montagnards_, or

the Dantonists, wish to destroy the revolutionary dictatorship, and to

establish the legal government; their fall--The committee of public safety

remains alone, and triumphant.

CHAPTER IX

FROM THE DEATH OF DANTON, APRIL, 1794, TO THE 9TH THERMIDOR

(27TH JULY, 1794)

Increase of terror; its cause--System of the democrats; Saint-Just--

Robespierre's power--Festival of the Supreme Being--Couthon presents the

law of the 22nd Prairial, which reorganizes the revolutionary tribunal;

disturbances; debates; final obedience of the convention--The active

members of the committee have a division--Robespierre, Saint-Just, and

Couthon on one side; Billaud-Varennes, Collot-d'Herbois, Barrere, and the

members of the committee of general safety on the other--Conduct of

Robespierre--He absents himself from the committee, and rests on the

Jacobins and the commune--On the 8th of Thermidor he demands the renewal

of the committees; the motion is rejected--Sitting of the 9th Thermidor;

Saint-Just denounces the committees; is interrupted by Tallien; Billaud-

Varennes violently attacks Robespierre; general indignation of the

convention against the triumvirate; they are arrested--The commune rises

and liberates the prisoners--Peril and courage of the convention; it

outlaws the insurgents--The sections declare for the convention--Defeat

and execution of Robespierre.

CHAPTER X

FROM THE 9TH THERMIDOR TO THE 1ST PRAIRIAL, YEAR III. (20TH MAY, 1795).

EPOCH OF THE RISE AND FALL OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY

The convention, after the fall of Robespierre; party of the committees;

Thermidorian party; their constitution and object--Decay of the democratic

party of the committees--Impeachment of Lebon and Carrier--State of Paris

--The Jacobins and the Faubourgs declare for the old committees; the

_jeunesse doree_, and the sections for the Thermidorians--Impeachment of

Billaud-Varennes, Collot-d'Herbois, Barrere, and Vadier--Movement of

Germinal--Transportation of the accused, and of a few of the Mountain,

their partisans--Insurrection of the 1st Prairial--Defeat of the

democratic party; disarming of the Faubourgs--The lower class is excluded

from the government, deprived of the constitution of '93, and loses its

material power.

CHAPTER XI

FROM THE 1ST PRAIRIAL (20TH OF MAY, 1795) TO THE 4TH BRUMAIRE

(26TH OF OCTOBER), YEAR IV., THE CLOSE OF THE CONVENTION

Campaign of 1793 and 1794--Disposition of the armies on hearing the news

of the 9th Thermidor--Conquest of Holland; position on the Rhine--Peace of

Basel with Prussia--Peace with Spain--Descent upon Quiberon--The reaction

ceases to be conventional, and becomes royalist--Massacre of the

revolutionists, in the south--Directorial constitution of the year III.--

Decrees of Fructidor, which require the re-election of two-thirds of the

convention--Irritation of the sectionary royalist party--It becomes

insurgent--The 13th of Vendemiaire--Appointment of the councils and of the

directory--Close of the convention; its duration and character.

THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY

CHAPTER XII

FROM THE INSTALLATION OF THE DIRECTORY, ON THE 27TH OCTOBER, 1795, TO THE

COUP-D'ETAT OF THE 18TH FRUCTIDOR, YEAR V. (3RD AUGUST, 1797)

Review of the revolution--Its second character of reorganization;

transition from public to private life--The five directors; their labours

for the interior--Pacification of La Vendee--Conspiracy of Babeuf; final

defeat of the democratic party--Plan of campaign against Austria; conquest

of Italy by general Bonaparte; treaty of Campo-Formio; the French republic

is acknowledged, with its acquisitions, and its connection with the Dutch,

Lombard, and Ligurian republics, which prolonged its system in Europe--

Royalist elections in the year V.; they alter the position of the

republic--New contest between the counter-revolutionary party in the

councils, in the club of Clichy, in the salons, and the conventional

party, in the directory, the club of _Salm_, and the army--Coup d'etat of

the 18th Fructidor; the Vendemiaire party again defeated.

CHAPTER XIII

FROM THE 18TH FRUCTIDOR, IN THE YEAR V. (4TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1797), TO THE

18TH BRUMAIRE, IN THE YEAR VIII. (9TH OF NOVEMBER, 1799)

By the 18th Fructidor the directory returns, with slight mitigation, to

the revolutionary government--General peace, except with England--Return

of Bonaparte to Paris--Expedition into Egypt--Democratic elections for the

year VI.--The directory annuls them on the 22nd Floreal--Second coalition;

Russia, Austria, and England attack the republic through Italy,

Switzerland, and Holland; general defeats--Democratic elections for the

year VII.; on the 30th Prairial the councils get the upper hand, and

disorganize the old directory--Two parties in the new directory, and in

the councils: the moderate republican party under Sieyes, Roger-Ducos, and

the ancients; the extreme republican party under Moulins, Golier, the Five

Hundred, and the Society of the Manege--Various projects--Victories of

Massena, in Switzerland; of Brune, in Holland--Bonaparte returns from

Egypt; comes to an understanding with Sieyes and his party--The 18th and

19th Brumaire--End of the directorial system.

THE CONSULATE

CHAPTER XIV

FROM THE 18TH BRUMAIRE (9TH OF NOVEMBER, 1799) TO THE 2ND

OF DECEMBER, 1804

Hopes entertained by the various parties, after the 18th Brumaire--

Provisional government--Constitution of Sieyes; distorted into the

consular constitution of the year VIII.--Formation of the government;

pacific designs of Bonaparte--Campaign of Italy; victory of Marengo--

General peace: on the continent, by the treaty of Luneville with England;

by the treaty of Amiens--Fusion of parties; internal prosperity of France

--Ambitious system of the First Consul; re-establishes the clergy in the

state, by the Concordat of 1802; he creates a military order of

knighthood, by means of the Legion of Honour; he completes this order of

things by the consulate for life--Resumption of hostilities with England--

Conspiracy of Georges and Pichegru--The war and royalist attempts form a

pretext for the erection of the empire--Napoleon Bonaparte appointed

hereditary emperor; is crowned by the pope on the 2nd of December, 1804,

in the church of Notre Dame--Successive abandonment of the revolution--

Progress of absolute power during the four years of the consulate.

THE EMPIRE

CHAPTER XV

FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE, 1804-1814

Character of the empire--Change of the republics created by the directory

into kingdoms--Third coalition; capture of Vienna; victories of Ulm and

Austerlitz; peace of Pressburg; erection of the two kingdoms of Bavaria

and Wurtemberg against Austria--Confederation of the Rhine--Joseph

Napoleon appointed king of Naples; Louis Napoleon, king of Holland--Fourth

coalition; battle of Jena; capture of Berlin; victories of Eylau and

Friedland; peace of Tilsit; the Prussian monarchy is reduced by one half;

the kingdoms of Saxony and Westphalia are instituted against it; that of

Westphalia given to Jerome Napoleon--The grand empire rises with its

secondary kingdoms, its confederation of the Rhine, its Swiss mediation,

its great fiefs; it is modelled on that of Charlemagne--Blockade of the

continent--Napoleon employs the cessation of commerce to reduce England,

as he had employed arms to subdue the continent--Invasion of Spain and

Portugal; Joseph Napoleon appointed to the throne of Spain; Murat replaces

him on the throne of Naples--New order of events: national insurrection of

the peninsula; religious contest with the pope--Commercial opposition of

Holland--Fifth coalition--Victory of Wagram; peace of Vienna; marriage of

Napoleon with the archduchess Marie Louise--Failure of the attempt at

resistance; the pope is dethroned; Holland is again united to the empire,

and the war in Spain prosecuted with vigour--Russia renounces the

continental system; campaign of 1812; capture of Moscow; disastrous

retreat--Reaction against the power of Napoleon; campaign of 1813; general

defection--Coalition of all Europe; exhaustion of France; marvellous

campaign of 1814--The allied powers at Paris; abdication at Fontainbleau;

character of Napoleon; his part in the French revolution--Conclusion.

INTRODUCTION

I am about to take a rapid review of the history of the French revolution,

which began the era of new societies in Europe, as the English revolution

had begun the era of new governments. This revolution not only modified

the political power, but it entirely changed the internal existence of the

nation. The forms of the society of the middle ages still remained. The

land was divided into hostile provinces, the population into rival

classes. The nobility had lost all their powers, but still retained all

their distinctions: the people had no rights, royalty no limits; France

was in an utter confusion of arbitrary administration, of class

legislation and special privileges to special bodies. For these abuses the

revolution substituted a system more conformable with justice, and better

suited to our times. It substituted law in the place of arbitrary will,

equality in that of privilege; delivered men from the distinctions of

classes, the land from the barriers of provinces, trade from the shackles

of corporations and fellowships, agriculture from feudal subjection and

the oppression of tithes, property from the impediment of entails, and

brought everything to the condition of one state, one system of law, one

people.

In order to effect such mighty reformation as this, the revolution had

many obstacles to overcome, involving transient excesses with durable

benefits. The privileged sought to prevent it; Europe to subject it; and

thus forced into a struggle, it could not set bounds to its efforts, or

moderate its victory. Resistance from within brought about the sovereignty

of the multitude, and aggression from without, military domination. Yet

the end was attained, in spite of anarchy and in spite of despotism: the

old society was destroyed during the revolution, and the new one became

established under the empire.

When a reform has become necessary, and the moment for accomplishing it

has arrived, nothing can prevent it, everything furthers it. Happy were it

for men, could they then come to an understanding; would the rich resign

their superfluity, and the poor content themselves with achieving what

they really needed, revolutions would then be quietly effected, and the

historian would have no excesses, no calamities to record; he would merely

have to display the transition of humanity to a wiser, freer, and happier

condition. But the annals of nations have not as yet presented any

instance of such prudent sacrifices; those who should have made them have

refused to do so; those who required them have forcibly compelled them;

and good has been brought about, like evil, by the medium and with all the

violence of usurpation. As yet there has been no sovereign but force.

In reviewing the history of the important period extending from the

opening of the states-general to 1814, I propose to explain the various

crises of the revolution, while I describe their progress. It will thus be

seen through whose fault, after commencing under such happy auspices, it

so fearfully degenerated; in what way it changed France into a republic,

and how upon the ruins of the republic it raise the empire. These various

phases were almost inevitable, so irresistible was the power of the events

which produced them. It would perhaps be rash to affirm that by no

possibility could the face of things have been otherwise; but it is

certain that the revolution, taking its rise from such causes, and

employing and arousing such passions, naturally took that course, and

ended in that result. Before we enter upon its history, let us see what

led to the convocation of the states-general, which themselves brought on

all that followed. In retracing the preliminary causes of the revolution,

I hope to show that it was as impossible to avoid as to guide it.

From its establishment the French monarchy had had no settled form, no

fixed and recognised public right. Under the first races the crown was

elective, the nation sovereign, and the king a mere military chief,

depending on the common voice for all decisions to be made, and all the

enterprises to be undertaken. The nation elected its chief, exercised the

legislative power in the Champs de Mars under the presidentship of the

king, and the judicial power in the courts under the direction of one of

his officers. Under the feudal regime, this royal democracy gave way to a

royal aristocracy. Absolute power ascended higher, the nobles stripped the

people of it, as the prince afterwards despoiled the nobles. At this

period the monarch had become hereditary; not as king, but as individually

possessor of a fief; the legislative authority belonged to the seigneurs,

in their vast territories or in the barons' parliaments; and the judicial

authority to the vassals in the manorial courts. In a word, power had

become more and more concentrated, and as it had passed from the many to

the few, it came at last from the few to be invested in one alone. During

centuries of continuous efforts, the kings of France were battering down

the feudal edifice, and at length they established themselves on its

ruins, having step by step usurped the fiefs, subdued the vassals,

suppressed the parliaments of barons, annulled or subjected the manorial

courts, assumed the legislative power, and effected that judicial

authority should be exercised in their name and on their behalf, in

parliaments of legists.

The states-general, which they convoked on pressing occasions, for the

purpose of obtaining subsidies, and which were composed of the three

orders of the nation, the clergy, the nobility, and the third estate or

commons, had no regular existence. Originated while the royal prerogative

was in progress, they were at first controlled, and finally suppressed by

it. The strongest and most determined opposition the kings had to

encounter in their projects of aggrandizement, proceeded much less from

these assemblies, which they authorized or annulled at pleasure, than from

the nobles vindicating against them, first their sovereignty, and then

their political importance. From Philip Augustus to Louis XI. the object

of all their efforts was to preserve their own power; from Louis XI. to

Louis XIV. to become the ministers of that of royalty. The Fronde was the

last campaign of the aristocracy. Under Louis XIV. absolute monarchy

definitively established itself, and dominated without dispute.

The government of France, from Louis XIV. to the revolution, was still

more arbitrary than despotic; for the monarchs had much more power than

they exercised. The barriers that opposed the encroachments of this

immense authority were exceedingly feeble. The crown disposed of persons

by _lettres de cachet_, of property by confiscation, of the public revenue

by imposts. Certain bodies, it is true, possessed means of defence, which

were termed privileges, but these privileges were rarely respected. The

parliament had that of ratifying or of refusing an impost, but the king

could compel its assent, by a _lit de justice_, and punish its members by

exile. The nobility were exempt from taxation; the clergy were entitled to

the privilege of taxing themselves, in the form of free gifts; some

provinces enjoyed the right of compounding the taxes, and others made the

assessment themselves. Such were the trifling liberties of France, and

even these all turned to the benefit of the privileged classes, and to the

detriment of the people.

And this France, so enslaved, was moreover miserably organized; the

excesses of power were still less endurable than their unjust

distribution. The nation, divided into three orders, themselves subdivided

into several classes, was a prey to all the attacks of despotism, and all

the evils of inequality. The nobility were subdivided: into courtiers,

living on the favours of the prince, that is to say, on the labour of the

people, and whose aim was governorships of provinces, or elevated ranks in

the army; ennobled parvenus, who conducted the interior administration,

and whose object was to obtain comptrollerships, and to make the most of

their place while they held it, by jobbing of every description; legists

who administered justice, and were alone competent to perform its

functions; and landed proprietors who oppressed the country by the

exercise of those feudal rights which still survived. The clergy were

divided into two classes: the one destined for the bishoprics and abbeys,

and their rich revenues; the other for the apostolic function and its

poverty. The third estate, ground down by the court, humiliated by the

nobility, was itself divided into corporations, which, in their turn,

exercised upon each other the evil and the contempt they received from the

higher classes. It possessed scarcely a third part of the land, and this

was burdened with the feudal rents due to the lords of the manor, tithes

to the clergy, and taxes to the king. In compensation for all these

sacrifices it enjoyed no political right, had no share in the

administration, and was admitted to no public employment.

Louis XIV. wore out the main-spring of absolute monarchy by too protracted

tension and too violent use. Fond of sway, rendered irritable by the

vexations of his youth, he quelled all resistance, forbad every kind of

opposition,--that of the aristocracy which manifested itself in revolt,--

that of the parliaments displayed by remonstrance,--that of the

protestants, whose form was a liberty of conscience which the church

deemed heretical, and royalty factious. Louis XIV. subdued the nobles by

summoning them to his court, where favours and pleasures were the

compensation for their dependence. Parliament, till then the instrument of

the crown, attempted to become its counterbalance, and the prince

haughtily imposed upon it a silence and submission of sixty years'

duration. At length, the revocation of the edict of Nantes completed this

work of despotism. An arbitrary government not only will not endure

resistance, but it demands that its subjects shall approve and imitate it.

After having subjected the actions of men, it persecutes conscience;

needing to be ever in motion, it seeks victims when they do not fall in

its way. The immense power of Louis XIV. was exercised, internally,

against the heretics; externally, against all Europe. Oppression found

ambitious men to counsel it, dragoons to serve, and success to encourage

it; the wounds of France were hidden by laurels, her groans were drowned

in songs of victory. But at last the men of genius died, the victories

ceased, industry emigrated, money disappeared; and the fact became

evident, that the very successes of despotism exhaust its resources, and

consume its future ere that future has arrived.

The death of Louis XIV. was the signal for a reaction; there was a sudden

transition from intolerance to incredulity, from the spirit of obedience

to that of discussion. Under the regency, the third estate acquired in

importance, by their increasing wealth and intelligence, all that the

nobility lost in consideration, and the clergy in influence. Under Louis

XV., the court prosecuted ruinous wars attended with little glory, and

engaged in a silent struggle with opinion, in an open one with the

parliament. Anarchy crept into its bosom, the government fell into the

hands of royal mistresses, power was completely on the decline, and the

opposition daily made fresh progress.

The parliaments had undergone a change of position and of system. Royalty

had invested them with a power which they now turned against it. No sooner

had the ruin of the aristocracy been accomplished by the combined efforts

of the parliament and of royalty, than the conquerors quarrelled,

according to the common practice of allies after a victory. Royalty sought

to destroy an instrument that became dangerous when it ceased to be

useful, and the parliament sought to govern royalty. This struggle,

favourable to the monarch under Louis XIV., of mixed reverses and success

under Louis XV., only ceased with the revolution. The parliament, from its

very nature, was only called upon to serve as an instrument. The exercise

of its prerogative, and its ambition as a body, leading it to oppose

itself to the strong and support the weak, it served by turns the crown

against the aristocracy and the nation against the crown. It was this that

made it so popular under Louis XV. and Louis XVI., although it only

attacked the court from a spirit of rivalry. Opinion, without inquiring

into its motives, applauded not its ambition but its resistance, and

supported it because defended by it. Rendered daring by such

encouragement, it became formidable to authority. After annulling the will

of the most imperious and best-obeyed of monarchs; after protesting

against the Seven Years' War; after obtaining the control of financial

operations and the destruction of the Jesuits, its resistance became so

constant and energetic, that the court, meeting with it in every

direction, saw the necessity of either submitting to or subjecting it. It

accordingly carried into execution the plan of disorganization proposed by

the chancellor Maupeou. This daring man, who, to employ his own

expression, had offered _retirer la couronne du greffe_, replaced this

hostile parliament by one devoted to power, and subjected to a similar

operation the entire magistracy of France, who were following the example

of that of Paris.

But the time had passed for coups d'etat. The current had set in against

arbitrary rule so decidedly that the king resorted to it with doubt and

hesitation, and even encountered the disapprobation of his court. A new

power had arisen--that of opinion; which, though not recognised, was not

the less influential, and whose decrees were beginning to assume sovereign

authority. The nation, hitherto a nonentity, gradually asserted its

rights, and without sharing power influenced it. Such is the course of all

rising powers; they watch over it from without, before they are admitted

into the government; then, from the right of control they pass to that of

co-operation. The epoch at which the third estate was to share the sway

had at last arrived. It had at former periods attempted to effect this,

but in vain, because its efforts were premature. It was then but just

emancipated, and possessed not that which establishes superiority, and

leads to the acquisition of power; for right is only obtained by might.

Accordingly, in insurrections as in the states-general, it had held but

the third rank; everything was done with its aid, but nothing for it. In

times of feudal tyranny, it had served the kings against the nobles; when

ministerial and fiscal despotism prevailed, it assisted the nobles against

the kings; but, in the first instance, it was nothing more than the

servant of the crown; in the second, than that of the aristocracy. The

struggle took place in a sphere, and on the part of interests, with which

it was reputed to have no connexion. When the nobles were definitively

beaten in the time of the Fronde, it laid down its arms; a clear proof how

secondary was the part it had played.

At length, after a century of absolute submission, it reappeared in the

arena, but on its own account. The past cannot be recalled; and it was not

more possible for the nobles to rise from their defeat than it would now

be for absolute monarchy to regain its position. The court was to have

another antagonist, for it must always have one, power never being without

a candidate. The third estate, which increased daily in strength, wealth,

intelligence, and union, was destined to combat and to displace it. The

parliament did not constitute a class, but a body; and in this new

contest, while able to aid in the displacement of authority, it could not

secure it for itself.

The court had favoured the progress of the third estate, and had

contributed to the development of one of its chief means of advancement,

its intelligence. The most absolute of monarchs aided the movement of

mind, and, without intending it, created public opinion. By encouraging

praise, he prepared the way for blame; for we cannot invite an examination

in our favour, without undergoing one afterwards to our prejudice. When

the songs of triumph, and gratulation, and adulation were exhausted,

accusation began, and the philosophers of the eighteenth century succeeded

to the litterateurs of the seventeenth. Everything became the object of

their researches and reflections; governments, religion, abuses, laws.

They proclaimed rights, laid bare men's wants, denounced injustice. A

strong and enlightened public opinion was formed, whose attacks the

government underwent without venturing to attempt its suppression. It even

converted those whom it attacked; courtiers submitted to its decisions

from fashion's sake, power from necessity, and the age of reform was

ushered in by the age of philosophy, as the latter had been by the age of

the fine arts.

Such was the condition of France, when Louis XVI. ascended the throne on

the 11th of May, 1774. Finances, whose deficiencies neither the

restorative ministry of cardinal de Fleury, nor the bankrupt ministry of

the abbe Terray had been able to make good, authority disregarded,

intractable parliaments, an imperious public opinion; such were the

difficulties which the new reign inherited from its predecessors. Of all

princes, Louis XVI., by his tendencies and his virtues, was best suited to

his epoch. The people were weary of arbitrary rule, and he was disposed to

renounce its exercise; they were exasperated with the burdensome

dissoluteness of the court of Louis XV.; the morals of the new king were

pure and his wants few; they demanded reforms that had become

indispensable, and he appreciated the public want, and made it his glory

to satisfy it. But it was as difficult to effect good as to continue evil;

for it was necessary to have sufficient strength either to make the

privileged classes submit to reform, or the nation to abuses; and Louis

XVI. was neither a regenerator nor a despot. He was deficient in that

sovereign will which alone accomplishes great changes in states, and which

is as essential to monarchs who wish to limit their power as to those who

seek to aggrandize it. Louis XVI. possessed a sound mind, a good and

upright heart, but he was without energy of character and perseverance in

action. His projects of amelioration met with obstacles which he had not

foreseen, and which he knew not how to overcome. He accordingly fell

beneath his efforts to favour reform, as another would have fallen in his

attempt to prevent it. Up to the meeting of the states-general, his reign

was one long and fruitless endeavour at amelioration.

In choosing, on his accession to the throne, Maurepas as prime minister,

Louis XVI. eminently contributed to the irresolute character of his reign.

Young, deeply sensible of his duties and of his own insufficiency, he had

recourse to the experience of an old man of seventy-three, who had lost

the favour of Louis XV. by his opposition to the mistresses of that

monarch. In him the king found not a statesman, but a mere courtier, whose

fatal influence extended over the whole course of his reign. Maurepas had

little heed to the welfare of France, or the glory of his master; his sole

care was to remain in favour. Residing in the palace at Versailles, in an

apartment communicating with that of the king, and presiding over the

council, he rendered the mind of Louis XVI. uncertain, his character

irresolute; he accustomed him to half-measures, to changes of system, to

all the inconsistencies of power, and especially to the necessity of doing

everything by others, and nothing of himself. Maurepas had the choice of

the ministers, and these cultivated his good graces as assiduously as he

the king's. Fearful of endangering his position, he kept out of the

ministry men of powerful connections, and appointed rising men, who

required his support for their own protection, and to effect their

reforms. He successively called Turgot, Malesherbes, and Necker to the

direction of affairs, each of whom undertook to effect ameliorations in

that department of the government which had been the immediate object of

his studies.

Malesherbes, descended from a family in the law, inherited parliamentary

virtues, and not parliamentary prejudices. To an independent mind, he

united a noble heart. He wished to give to every man his rights; to the

accused, the power of being defended; to protestants, liberty of

conscience; to authors, the liberty of the press; to every Frenchman,

personal freedom; and he proposed the abolition of the torture, the re-

establishment of the edict of Nantes, and the suppression of _lettres de

cachet_ and of the censure. Turgot, of a vigorous and comprehensive mind,

and an extraordinary firmness and strength of character, attempted to

realize still more extensive projects. He joined Malesherbes, in order,

with his assistance, to complete the establishment of a system which was

to bring back unity to the government and equality to the country. This

virtuous citizen constantly occupied himself with the amelioration of the

condition of the people; he undertook, alone, what the revolution

accomplished at a later period,--the suppression of servitude and

privilege. He proposed to enfranchise the rural districts from statute

labour, provinces from their barriers, commerce from internal duties,

trade from its shackles, and lastly, to make the nobility and clergy

contribute to the taxes in the same proportion as the third estate. This

great minister, of whom Malesherbes said, "he has the head of Bacon and

the heart of l'Hopital," wished by means of provincial assemblies to

accustom the nation to public life, and prepare it for the restoration of

the states-general. He would have effected the revolution by ordinances,

had he been able to stand. But under the system of special privileges and

general servitude, all projects for the public good were impraticable.

Turgot dissatisfied the courtiers by his ameliorations, displeased the

parliament by the abolition of statute labour, wardenships, and internal

duties, and alarmed the old minister by the ascendancy which his virtue

gave him over Louis XVI. The prince forsook him, though at the same time

observing that Turgot and himself were the only persons who desired the

welfare of the people: so lamentable is the condition of kings!

Turgot was succeeded in 1776 in the general control of the finances by

Clugny, formerly comptroller of Saint Domingo, who, six months after, was

himself succeeded by Necker. Necker was a foreigner, a protestant, a

banker, and greater as an administrator than as a statesman; he

accordingly conceived a plan for reforming France, less extensive than

that of Turgot, but which he executed with more moderation, and aided by

the times. Appointed minister in order to find money for the court, he

made use of the wants of the court to procure liberties for the people. He

re-established the finances by means of order, and made the provinces

contribute moderately to their administration. His views were wise and

just; they consisted in bringing the revenue to a level with the

expenditure, by reducing the latter; by employing taxation in ordinary

times, and loans when imperious circumstances rendered it necessary to tax

the future as well as the present; by causing the taxes to be assessed by

the provincial assemblies, and by instituting the publication of accounts,

in order to facilitate loans. This system was founded on the nature of

loans, which, needing credit, require publicity of administration; and on

that of taxation, which needing assent, requires also a share in the

administration. Whenever there is a deficit and the government makes

applications to meet it, if it address itself to lenders, it must produce

its balance-sheet; if it address itself to the tax-payers, it must give

them a share in its power. Thus loans led to the production of accounts,

and taxes to the states-general; the first placing authority under the

jurisdiction of opinion, and the second placing it under that of the

people. But Necker, though less impatient for reform than Turgot, although

he desired to redeem abuses which his predecessor wished to destroy, was

not more fortunate than he. His economy displeased the courtiers; the

measures of the provincial assemblies incurred the disapprobation of the

parliaments, which wished to monopolize opposition; and the prime minister

could not forgive him an appearance of credit. He was obliged to quit

power in 1781, a few months after the publication of the famous _Comptes

rendus_ of the finances, which suddenly initiated France in a knowledge of

state matters, and rendered absolute government for ever impossible.

The death of Maurepas followed close upon the retirement of Necker. The

queen took his place with Louis XVI., and inherited all his influence over

him. This good but weak prince required to be directed. His wife, young,

beautiful, active, and ambitious, gained great ascendancy over him. Yet it

may be said that the daughter of Marie Therese resembled her mother too

much or too little. She combined frivolity with domination, and disposed

of power only to invest with it men who caused her own ruin and that of

the state. Maurepas, mistrusting court ministers, had always chosen

popular ministers; it is true he did not support them; but if good was not

brought about, at least evil did not increase. After his death, court

ministers succeeded the popular ministers, and by their faults rendered

the crisis inevitable, which others had endeavoured to prevent by their

reforms. This difference of choice is very remarkable; this it was which,

by the change of men, brought on the change in the system of

administration. The revolution dates from this epoch; the abandonment of

reforms and the return of disorders hastened its approach and augmented

its fury.

Calonne was called from an intendancy to the general control of the

finances. Two successors had already been given to Necker, when

application was made to Calonne in 1783. Calonne was daring, brilliant and

eloquent; he had much readiness and a fertile mind. Either from error or

design he adopted a system of administration directly opposed to that of

his predecessor. Necker recommended economy, Calonne boasted of his lavish

expenditure. Necker fell through courtiers, Calonne sought to be upheld by

them. His sophisms were backed by his liberality; he convinced the queen

by _fetes_, the nobles by pensions; he gave a great circulation to the

finances, in order that the extent and facility of his operations might

excite confidence in the justness of his views; he even deceived the

capitalists, by first showing himself punctual in his payments. He

continued to raise loans after the peace, and he exhausted the credit

which Necker's wise conduct had procured to the government. Having come to

this point, having deprived himself of a resource, the very employment of

which he was unable to manage, in order to prolong his continuance in

power he was obliged to have recourse to taxation. But to whom could he

apply? The people could pay no longer, and the privileged classes would

not offer anything. Yet it was necessary to decide, and Calonne, hoping

more from something new, convoked an assembly of notables, which began its

sittings at Versailles on the 22nd of February, 1787. But a recourse to

others must prove the end of a system founded on prodigality. A minister

who had risen by giving, could not maintain himself by asking.

The notables, chosen by the government from the higher classes, formed a

ministerial assembly, which had neither a proper existence nor a

commission. It was, indeed, to avoid parliaments and states-general, that

Calonne addressed himself to a more subordinate assembly, hoping to find

it more docile. But, composed of privileged persons, it was little

disposed to make sacrifices. It became still less so, when it saw the

abyss which a devouring administration had excavated. It learned with

terror, that the loans of a few years amounted to one thousand six hundred

and forty-six millions, and that there was an annual deficit in the

revenue of a hundred and forty millions. This disclosure was the signal

for Calonne's fall. He fell, and was succeeded by Brienne, archbishop of

Sens, his opponent in the assembly. Brienne thought the majority of the

notables was devoted to him, because it had united with him against

Calonne. But the privileged classes were not more disposed to make

sacrifices to Brienne than to his predecessor; they had seconded his

attacks, which were to their interest, and not his ambition, to which they

were indifferent.

The archbishop of Sens, who is censured for a want of plan, was in no

position to form one. He was not allowed to continue the prodigality of

Calonne; and it was too late to return to the retrenchments of Necker.

Economy, which had been a means of safety at a former period, was no

longer so in this. Recourse must be had either to taxation, and that

parliament opposed; or loans, and credit was exhausted; or sacrifices on

the part of the privileged classes, who were unwilling to make them.

Brienne, to whom office had been the chief object of life, who with, the

difficulties of his position combined slenderness of means attempted

everything, and succeeded in nothing. His mind was active, but it wanted

strength; and his character rash without firmness. Daring, previous to

action, but weak afterwards, he ruined himself by his irresolution, want

of foresight, and constant variation of means. There remained only bad

measures to adopt, but he could not decide upon one, and follow that one;

this was his real error.

The assembly of notables was but little submissive and very parsimonious.

After having sanctioned the establishment of provincial assemblies, a

regulation of the corn trade, the abolition of corvees, and a new stamp

tax, it broke up on the 25th of May, 1787. It spread throughout France

what it had discovered respecting the necessities of the throne, the

errors of the ministers, the dilapidation of the court, and the

irremediable miseries of the people.

Brienne, deprived of this assistance, had recourse to taxation, as a

resource, the use of which had for some time been abandoned. He demanded

the enrolment of two edicts--that of the stamps and that of the

territorial subsidies. But parliament, which was then in the full vigour

of its existence and in all the ardour of its ambition, and to which the

financial embarrassment of the ministry offered a means of augmenting its

power, refused the enrolment. Banished to Troyes, it grew weary of exile,

and the minister recalled it on condition that the two edicts should be

accepted. But this was only a suspension of hostilities; the necessities

of the crown soon rendered the struggle more obstinate and violent. The

minister had to make fresh applications for money; his existence depended

on the issue of several successive loans to the amount of four hundred and

forty millions. It was necessary to obtain the enrolment of them.

Brienne, expecting opposition from the parliament, procured the enrolment

of this edict by a _lit de justice_, and to conciliate the magistracy and

public opinion, the protestants were restored to their rights in the same

sitting, and Louis XVI. promised an annual publication of the state of

finances, and the convocation, of the states-general before the end of

five years. But these concessions were no longer sufficient: parliament

refused the enrolment, and rose against the ministerial tyranny. Some of

its members, among others the duke of Orleans, were banished. Parliament

protested, by a decree, against _lettres de cachet_, and required the

recall of its members. This decree was annulled by the king, and confirmed

by parliament. The warfare increased.

The magistracy of Paris was supported by all the magistracy of France, and

encouraged by public opinion. It proclaimed the rights of the nation, and

its own incompetence in matters of taxation; and, become liberal from

interest, and rendered generous by oppression, it exclaimed against

arbitrary imprisonment, and demanded regularly convoked states-general.

After this act of courage, it decreed the irremovability of its members,

and the incompetence of any who might usurp their functions. This bold

manifesto was followed by the arrest of two members, d'Epremenil and

Goislard, by the reform of the body, and the establishment of a plenary

court.

Brienne understood that the opposition of the parliament was systematic,

that it would be renewed on every fresh demand for subsidies, or on the

authorization of every loan. Exile was but a momentary remedy, which

suspended opposition, without destroying it. He then projected the

reduction of this body to judicial functions, and associated with himself

Lamoignon, keeper of the seals, for the execution of this project.

Lamoignon was skilled in coups d'etat. He had audacity, and combined with

Maupeou's energetic determination a greater degree of consideration and

probity. But he made a mistake as to the force of power, and what it was

possible to effect in his times. Maupeou had re-established parliament,

changing its members; Lamoignon wished to disorganize it. The first of

these means, if it had succeeded, would only have produced temporary

repose; the second must have produced a definitive one, since it aimed at

destroying the power, which the other only tried to displace; but

Maupeou's reform did not last, and that of Lamoignon could not be

effected. The execution of the latter was, however, tolerably well framed.

All the magistracy of France was exiled on the same day, in order that the

new judicial organization might take place. The keeper of the seals

deprived the parliament of Paris of its political attributes, to invest

with them a plenary court, ministerially composed, and reduced its

judicial competence in favour of bailiwicks, the jurisdiction of which he

extended. Public opinion was indignant; the Chatelet protested, the

provinces rose, and the plenary court could neither be formed nor act.

Disturbances broke out in Dauphine, Brittany, Provence, Flanders,

Languedoc, and Bearn; the ministry, instead of the regular opposition of

parliament, had to encounter one much more animated and factious. The

nobility, the third estate, the provincial states, and even the clergy,

took part in it. Brienne, pressed for money, had called together an

extraordinary assembly of the clergy, who immediately made an address to

the king, demanding the abolition of his plenary court, and the recall of

the states-general: they alone could thenceforth repair the disordered

state of the finances, secure the national debt, and terminate such

conflicts of authority.

The archbishop of Sens, by his contest with the parliament, had postponed

the financial, by creating a political difficulty. The moment the latter

ceased, the former re-appeared, and made his retreat inevitable. Obtaining

neither taxes nor loans, unable to make use of the plenary court, and not

wishing to recall the parliaments, Brienne, as a last resource, promised

the convocation of the states-general. By this means he hastened his ruin.

He had been called to the financial department in order to remedy

embarrassments which he had augmented, and to procure money which he had

been unable to obtain. So far from it, he had exasperated the nation,

raised a rebellion in the various bodies of the state, compromised the

authority of the government, and rendered inevitable the states-general,

which, in the opinion of the court, was the worst means of raising money.

He succumbed on the 25th of August, 1788. The cause of his fall was a

suspension of the payment of the interest on the debt, which was the

commencement of bankruptcy. This minister has been the most blamed because

he came last. Inheriting the faults, the embarrassments of past times, he

had to struggle with the difficulties of his position with insufficient

means. He tried intrigue and oppression; he banished, suspended,

disorganized parliament; everything was an obstacle to him, nothing aided

him. After a long struggle, he sank under lassitude and weakness; I dare

not say from incapacity, for had he been far stronger and more skilful,

had he been a Richelieu or a Sully, he would still have fallen. It no

longer appertained to any one arbitrarily to raise money or to oppress the

people. It must be said in his excuse, that he had not created that

position from which he was not able to extricate himself; his only mistake

was his presumption in accepting it. He fell through the fault of Calonne,

as Calonne had availed himself of the confidence inspired by Necker for

the purposes of his lavish expenditure. The one had destroyed credit, and

the other, thinking to re-establish it by force, had destroyed authority.

The states-general had become the only means of government, and the last

resource of the throne. They had been eagerly demanded by parliament and

the peers of the kingdom, on the 13th of July, 1787; by the states of

Dauphine in the assembly of Vizille; by the clergy in its assembly at

Paris. The provincial states had prepared the public mind for them; and

the notables were their precursors. The king after having, on the 18th of

December, 1787, promised their convocation in five years, on the 8th of

August, 1788, fixed the opening for the 1st of May, 1789. Necker was

recalled, parliament re-established, the plenary court abolished, the

bailiwicks destroyed, and the provinces satisfied; and the new minister

prepared everything for the election of deputies and the holding of the

states.

At this epoch a great change took place in the opposition, which till then

had been unanimous. Under Brienne, the ministry had encountered opposition

from all the various bodies of the state, because it had sought to oppress

them. Under Necker, it met with resistance from the same bodies, which

desired power for themselves and oppression for the people. From being

despotic, it had become national, and it still had them all equally

against it. Parliament had maintained a struggle for authority, and not

for the public welfare; and the nobility had united with the third estate,

rather against the government than in favour of the people. Each of these

bodies had demanded the states-general: the parliament, in the hope of

ruling them as it had done in 1614; and the nobility, in the hope of

regaining its lost influence. Accordingly, the magistracy proposed as a

model for the states-general of 1789, the form of that of 1614, and public

opinion abandoned it; the nobility refused its consent to the double

representation of the third estate, and a division broke out between these

two orders.

This double representation was required by the intellect of the age, the

necessity of reform, and by the importance which the third estate had

acquired. It had already been admitted in the provincial assemblies.

Brienne, before leaving the ministry, had made an appeal to the writers of

the day, in order to know what would be the most suitable method of

composing and holding the states-general. Among the works favourable to

the people, there appeared the celebrated pamphlet of Sieyes on the Third

Estate, and that of d'Entraigues on the States-general.

Opinion became daily more decided, and Necker wishing, yet fearing, to

satisfy it, and desirous of conciliating all orders, of obtaining general

approbation, convoked a second assembly of notables on the 6th of

November, 1788, to deliberate on the composition of the states-general,

and the election of its members. He thought to induce it to accept the

double representation of the third estate, but it refused, and he was

obliged to decide, in spite of the notables, that which he ought to have

decided without them. Necker was not the man to avoid disputes by removing

all difficulties beforehand. He did not take the initiative as to the

representation of the third estate, any more than at a later period he

took it with regard to the question of voting by orders or by poll. When

the states-general were assembled, the solution of this second question,

on which depended the state of power and that of the people, was abandoned

to force.

Be this as it may, Necker, having been unable to make the notables adopt

the double representation of the third estate, caused it to be adopted by

the council. The royal declaration of the 27th of November decreed that

the deputies in the states-general should amount to at least a thousand,

and that the deputies of the third estate should be equal in number to the

deputies of the nobility and clergy together. Necker moreover obtained the

admission of the cures into the order of the clergy, and of protestants

into that of the third estate. The district assemblies were convoked for

the elections; every one exerted himself to secure the nomination of

members of his own party, and to draw up manifestoes setting forth his

views. Parliament had but little influence in the elections, and the court

none at all. The nobility selected a few popular deputies, but mainly such

as were devoted to the interests of their order, and as much opposed to

the third estate as to the oligarchy of the great families of the court.

The clergy nominated bishops and abbes attached to privilege, and cures

favourable to the popular cause, which was their own; lastly, the third

estate selected men enlightened, firm, and unanimous in their wishes. The

deputation of the nobility was comprised of two hundred and forty-two

gentlemen, and twenty-eight members of the parliament; that of the clergy,

of forty-eight archbishops or bishops, thirty-five abbes or deans, and two

hundred and eight cures; and that of the communes, of two ecclesiastics,

twelve noblemen, eighteen magistrates of towns, two hundred county

members, two hundred and twelve barristers, sixteen physicians, and two

hundred and sixteen merchants and agriculturists. The opening of the

states-general was then fixed for the 5th of May, 1789.

Thus was the revolution brought about. The court in vain tried to prevent,

as it afterwards endeavoured to annul it. Under the direction of Maurepas,

the king nominated popular ministers, and made attempts at reform; under

the influence of the queen, he nominated court ministers, and made

attempts at authority. Oppression met with as little success as reform.

After applying in vain to courtiers for retrenchments, to parliament for

levies, to capitalists for loans, he sought for new tax-payers, and made

an appeal to the privileged orders. He demanded of the notables,

consisting of the nobles and the clergy, a participation in the charges of

the state, which they refused. He then for the first time applied to all

France, and convoked the states-general. He treated with the various

bodies of the nation before treating with the nation itself; and it was

only on the refusal of the first, that he appealed from it to a power

whose intervention and support he dreaded. He preferred private

assemblies, which, being isolated, necessarily remained secondary, to a

general assembly, which representing all interests, must combine all

powers. Up to this great epoch every year saw the wants of the government

increasing, and resistance becoming more extensive. Opposition passed from

parliaments to the nobility, from the nobility to the clergy, and from

them all to the people. In proportion as each participated in power it

began its opposition, until all these private oppositions were fused in or

gave way before the national opposition. The states-general only decreed a

revolution which was already formed.

CHAPTER I

FROM THE 5TH OF MAY, 1789, TO THE NIGHT OF THE 4TH OF AUGUST

The 5th of May, 1789, was fixed for the opening of the states-general. A

religious ceremony on the previous day prefaced their installation. The

king, his family, his ministers, the deputies of the three orders, went in

procession from the church of Notre-Dame to that of Saint Louis, to hear

the opening mass. Men did not without enthusiasm see the return of a

national ceremony of which France had for so long a period been deprived.

It had all the appearance of a festival. An enormous multitude flocked

from all parts to Versailles; the weather was splendid; they had been

lavish of the pomp of decoration. The excitement of the music, the kind

and satisfied expression of the king, the beauty and demeanour of the

queen, and, as much as anything, the general hope, exalted every one. But

the etiquette, costumes, and order of the ranks of the states in 1614,

were seen with regret. The clergy, in cassocks, large cloaks, and square

caps, or in violet robes and lawn sleeves, occupied the first place. Then

came the nobles, attired in black coats with waistcoats and facings of

cloth of gold, lace cravats, and hats with white plumes, turned up in the

fashion of Henry IV. The modest third estate came last, clothed in black,

with short cloaks, muslin cravats, and hats without feathers or loops. In

the church, the same distinction as to places existed between the three

orders.

The royal session took place the following day in the Salle des Menus.

Galleries, arranged in the form of an amphitheatre, were filled with

spectators. The deputies were summoned and introduced according to the

order established in 1614. The clergy were conducted to the right, the

nobility to the left, and the commons in front of the throne at the end of

the hall. The deputations from Dauphine, from Crepi in Valois, to which

the duke of Orleans belonged, and from Provence, were received with loud

applause. Necker was also received on his entrance with general

enthusiasm. Public favour was testified towards all who had contributed to

the convocation of the states-general. When the deputies and ministers had

taken their places, the king appeared, followed by the queen, the princes,

and a brilliant suite. The hall resounded with applause on his arrival.

When he came in, Louis XVI. took his seat on the throne, and when he had

put on his hat, the three orders covered themselves at the same time. The

commons, contrary to the custom of the ancient states, imitated the

nobility and clergy, without hesitation: the time when the third order

should remain uncovered and speak kneeling was gone by. The king's speech

was then expected in profound silence. Men were eager to know the true

feeling of the government with regard to the states. Did it purpose

assimilating the new assembly to the ancient, or to grant it the part

which the necessities of the state and the importance of the occasion

assigned to it?

"Gentlemen," said the king, with emotion, "the day I have so anxiously

expected has at length arrived, and I see around me the representatives of

the nation which I glory in governing. A long interval had elapsed since

the last session of the states-general, and although the convocation of

these assemblies seemed to have fallen into disuse, I did not hesitate to

restore a custom from which the kingdom might derive new force, and which

might open to the nation a new source of happiness."

These words which promised much, were only followed by explanations as to

the debt and announcements of retrenchment in the expenditure. The king,

instead of wisely tracing out to the states the course they ought to

follow, urged the orders to union, expressed his want of money, his dread

of innovations, and complained of the uneasiness of the public mind,

without suggesting any means of satisfying it. He was nevertheless very

much applauded when he delivered at the close of his discourse the

following words, which fully described his intentions: "All that can be

expected from the dearest interest in the public welfare, all that can be

required of a sovereign, the first friend of his people; you may and ought

to hope from my sentiments. That a happy spirit of union may pervade this

assembly, gentlemen, and that this may be an ever memorable epoch for the

happiness and prosperity of the kingdom, is the wish of my heart, the most

ardent of my desires; it is, in a word, the reward which I expect for the

uprightness of my intentions, and my love of my subjects."

Barentin, keeper of the seals, spoke next. His speech was an amplification

respecting the states-general, and the favours of the king. After a long

preamble, he at last touched upon the topics of the occasion. "His

Majesty," he said, "has not changed the ancient method of deliberation, by

granting a double representation in favour of the most numerous of the

three orders, that on which the burden of taxation chiefly falls. Although

the vote by poll, by producing but one result, seems to have the advantage

of best representing the general desire, the king wishes this new form

should be adopted only with the free consent of the states, and the

approval of his majesty. But whatever may be the opinion on this question,

whatever distinctions may be drawn between the different matters that will

become subjects of deliberation, there can be no doubt but that the most

entire harmony will unite the three orders on the subject of taxation."

The government was not opposed to the vote by poll in pecuniary matters,

it being more expeditious; but in political questions it declared itself

in favour of voting by order, as a more effectual check on innovations. In

this way it sought to arrive at its own end,--namely, subsidies, and not

to allow the nation to obtain its object, which was reform. The manner in

which the keeper of the seals determined the province of the states-

general, discovered more plainly the intentions of the court. He reduced

them, in a measure, to the inquiry into taxation, in order to vote it, and

to the discussion of a law respecting the press, for the purpose of fixing

its limits, and to the reform of civil and criminal legislation. He

proscribed all other changes, and concluded by saying: "All just demands

have been granted; the king has not noticed indiscreet murmurs; he has

condescended to overlook them with indulgence; he has even forgiven the

expression of those false and extravagant maxims, under favour of which

attempts have been made to substitute pernicious chimeras for the

unalterable principles of monarchy. You will with indignation, gentlemen,

repel the dangerous innovations which the enemies of the public good seek

to confound with the necessary and happy changes which this regeneration

ought to produce, and which form the first wish of his majesty."

This speech displayed little knowledge of the wishes of the nation, or it

sought openly to combat them. The dissatisfied assembly looked to M.

Necker, from whom it expected different language. He was the popular

minister, had obtained the double representation, and it was hoped he

would approve of the vote by poll, the only way of enabling the third

estate to turn its numbers to account. But he spoke as comptroller-general

and as a man of caution. His speech, which lasted three hours, was a

lengthened budget; and when, after tiring the assembly, he touched on the

topic of interest, he spoke undecidedly, in order to avoid committing

himself either with the court or the people.

The government ought to have better understood the importance of the

states-general. The restoration of this assembly alone announced a great

revolution. Looked for with hope by the nation, it reappeared at an epoch

when the ancient monarchy was sinking, and when it alone was capable of

reforming the state and providing for the necessities of royalty. The

difficulties of the time, the nature of their mission, the choice of their

members, everything announced that the states were not assembled as tax-

payers, but as legislators. The right of regenerating France had been

granted them by opinion, was devolved on them by public resolutions, and

they found in the enormity of the abuses and the public encouragement,

strength to undertake and accomplish this great task.

It behoved the king to associate himself with their labours. In this way

he would have been able to restore his power, and ensure himself from the

excesses of a revolution, by himself assisting in bringing it about. If,

taking the lead in these changes, he had fixed the new order of things

with firmness, but with justice; if, realizing the wishes of France, he

had determined the rights of her citizens, the province of the states-

general and the limits of royalty; if, on his own part, he had renounced

arbitrary power, inequality on the part of the nobility, and privileges on

the part of the different bodies; in a word, if he had accomplished all

the reforms which were demanded by public opinion, and executed by the

constituent assembly, he would have prevented the fatal dissensions which

subsequently arose. It is rare to find a prince willing to share his

power, or sufficiently enlightened to yield what he will be reduced to

lose. Yet Louis XVI. would have done this, if he had been less influenced

by those around him, and had he followed the dictates of his own mind. But

the greatest anarchy pervaded the councils of the king. When the states-

general assembled, no measures had been taken, nothing had been decided

on, which might prevent dispute. Louis XVI. wavered between his ministry,

directed by Necker, and his court, directed by the queen and a few princes

of his family.

Necker, satisfied with obtaining the representation of the third estate,

dreaded the indecision of the king and the discontent of the court. Not

appreciating sufficiently the importance of a crisis which he considered

more as a financial than a social one, he waited for the course of events

in order to act, and flattered himself with the hope of being able to

guide these events, without attempting to prepare the way for them. He

felt that the ancient organization of the states could no longer be

maintained; that the existence of three orders, each possessing the right

of refusal, was opposed to the execution of reform and the progress of

administration. He hoped, after a trial of this triple opposition, to

reduce the number of the orders, and bring about the adoption of the

English form of government, by uniting the clergy and nobility in one

chamber, and the third estate in another. He did not foresee that the

struggle once begun, his interposition would be in vain: that half

measures would suit neither party; that the weak through obstinacy, and

the strong through passion, would oppose this system of moderation.

Concessions satisfy only before a victory.

The court, so far from wishing to organize the states-general, sought to

annul them. It preferred the casual resistance of the great bodies of the

nation, to sharing authority with a permanent assembly. The separation of

the orders favoured its views; it reckoned on fomenting their differences,

and thus preventing them from acting. The states-general had never

achieved any result, owing to the defect of their organization; the court

hoped that it would still be the same, since the two first orders were

less disposed to yield to the reforms solicited by the last. The clergy

wished to preserve its privileges and its opulence, and clearly foresaw

that the sacrifices to be made by it were more numerous than the

advantages to be acquired. The nobility, on its side, while it resumed a

political independence long since lost, was aware that it would have to

yield more to the people than it could obtain from royalty. It was almost

entirely in favour of the third estate, that the new revolution was about

to operate, and the first two orders were induced to unite with the court

against the third estate, as but lately they had coalesced with the third

estate against the court. Interest alone led to this change of party, and

they united with the monarch without affection, as they had defended the

people without regard to public good.

No efforts were spared to keep the nobility and clergy in this

disposition. The deputies of these two orders were the objects of favours

and allurements. A committee, to which the most illustrious persons

belonged, was held at the countess de Polignac's; the principal deputies

were admitted to it. It was here that were gained De Epremenil and De

Entraigues, two of the warmest advocates of liberty in parliament, or

before the states-general, and who afterwards became its most decided

opponents. Here also the costume of the deputies of the different orders

was determined on, and attempts made to separate them, first by etiquette,

then by intrigue, and lastly, by force. The recollection of the ancient

states-general prevailed in the court; it thought it could regulate the

present by the past, restrain Paris by the army, the deputies of the third

estate by those of the nobility, rule the states by separating the orders,

and separate the orders by reviving ancient customs which exalted the

nobles and lowered the commons. Thus, after the first sitting, it was

supposed that all had been prevented by granting nothing.

On the 6th of May, the day after the opening of the states, the nobility

and clergy repaired to their respective chambers, and constituted

themselves. The third estate being, on account of its double

representation, the most numerous order, had the Salle des Etats allotted

to it, and there awaited the two other orders; it considered its situation

as provisional, its members as presumptive deputies, and adopted a system

of inactivity till the other orders should unite with it. Then a memorable

struggle commenced, the issue of which was to decide whether the

revolution should be effected or stopped. The future fate of France

depended on the separation or reunion of the orders. This important

question arose on the subject of the verification of powers. The popular

deputies asserted very justly, that it ought to be made in common, since,

even if the union of the orders were refused, it was impossible to deny

the interest which each of them had in the examination of the powers of

the others; the privileged deputies argued, on the contrary, that since

the orders had a distinct existence, the verification ought to be made

respectively. They felt that one single co-operation would, for the

future, render all separation impossible.

The commons acted with much circumspection, deliberation, and steadiness.

It was by a succession of efforts, not unattended with peril, by slow and

undecided success, and by struggles constantly renewed, that they attained

their object. The systematic inactivity they adopted from the commencement

was the surest and wisest course; there are occasions when the way to

victory is to know how to wait for it. The commons were unanimous, and

alone formed the numerical half of the states-general; the nobility had in

its bosom some popular dissentients; the majority of the clergy, composed

of several bishops, friends of peace, and of the numerous class of the

cures, the third estate of the church, entertained sentiments favourable

to the commons. Weariness was therefore to bring about a union; this was

what the third estate hoped, what the bishops feared, and what induced

them on the 13th of May to offer themselves as mediators. But this

mediation was of necessity without any result, as the nobility would not

admit voting by poll, nor the commons voting by order. Accordingly, the

conciliatory conferences, after being prolonged in vain till the 27th of

May, were broken up by the nobility, who declared in favour of separate

verification.

The day after this hostile decision, the commons determined to declare

themselves the assembly of the nation, and invited the clergy to join them

_in the name of the God of peace and the common weal_. The court taking

alarm at this measure, interfered for the purpose of having the

conferences resumed. The first commissioners appointed for purposes of

reconciliation were charged with regulating the differences of the orders;

the ministry undertook to regulate the differences of the commissioners.

In this way, the states depended on a commission, and the commission had

the council of the prince for arbiter. But these new conferences had not a

more fortunate issue than the first. They lingered on without either of

the orders being willing to yield anything to the others, and the nobility

finally broke them up by confirming all its resolutions.

Five weeks had already elapsed in useless parleys. The third estate,

perceiving the moment had arrived for it to constitute itself, and that

longer delay would indispose the nation towards it, and destroy the

confidence it had acquired by the refusal of the privileged classes to co-

operate with it, decided on acting, and displayed herein the same

moderation and firmness it had shown during its inactivity. Mirabeau

announced that a deputy of Paris had a motion to propose; and Sieyes,

physically of timid character, but of an enterprising mind, who had great

authority by his ideas, and was better suited than any one to propose a

measure, proved the impossibility of union, the urgency of verification,

the justice of demanding it in common, and caused it to be decreed by the

assembly that the nobility and clergy should be _invited_ to the Salle des

Etats in order to take part in the verification, which would take place,

_whether they were absent or present_.

The measure for general verification was followed by another still more

energetic. The commons, after having terminated the verification on the

17th of June, on the motion of Sieyes, constituted themselves _the

National Assembly_. This bold step, by which the most numerous order and

the only one whose powers were legalized, declared itself the

representation of France and refused to recognise the other two till they

submitted to the verification, determined questions hitherto undecided,

and changed the assembly of the states into an assembly of the people. The

system of orders disappeared in political powers, and this was the first

step towards the abolition of classes in the private system. This

memorable decree of the 17th of June contained the germ of the night of

the 4th of August; but it was necessary to defend what they had dared to

decide, and there was reason to fear such a determination could not be

maintained.

The first decree of _the National Assembly_ was an act of sovereignty. It

placed the privileged classes under its dependence, by proclaiming the

indivisibility of the legislative power. The court remained to be

restrained by means of taxation. The assembly declared the illegality of

previous imposts, voted them provisionally, as long as it continued to

sit, and their cessation on its dissolution; it restored the confidence of

capitalists by consolidating the public debt, and provided for the

necessities of the people, by appointing a committee of subsistence.

Such firmness and foresight excited the enthusiasm of the nation. But

those who directed the court saw that the divisions thus excited between

the orders had failed in their object; and that it was necessary to resort

to other means to obtain it. They considered the royal authority alone

adequate to prescribe the continuance of the orders, which the opposition

of the nobles could no longer preserve. They took advantage of a journey

to Marly to remove Louis XVI. from the influences of the prudent and

pacific counsels of Necker, and to induce him to adopt hostile measures.

This prince, alike accessible to good and bad counsels, surrounded by a

court given up to party spirit, and entreated for the interests of his

crown and in the name of religion to stop the pernicious progress of the

commons, yielded at last, and promised everything. It was decided that he

should go in state to the assembly, annul its decrees, command the

separation of the orders as constitutive of the monarchy, and himself fix

the reforms to be effected by the states-general. From that moment the

privy council held the government, acting no longer secretly, but in the

most open manner. Barentin, the keeper of the seals, the count d'Artois,

the prince de Conde, and the prince de Conti conducted alone the projects

they had concerted. Necker lost all his influence; he had proposed to the

king a conciliatory plan, which might have succeeded before the struggle

attained this degree of animosity, but could do so no longer. He had

advised another royal sitting, in which the vote by poll in matters of

taxation was to be granted, and the vote by order to remain in matters of

private interest and privilege. This measure, which was unfavourable to

the commons, since it tended to maintain abuses by investing the nobility

and clergy with the right of opposing their abolition, would have been

followed by the establishment of two chambers for the next states-general.

Necker was fond of half measures, and wished to effect, by successive

concessions, a political change which should have been accomplished at

once. The moment was arrived to grant the nation all its rights, or to

leave it to take them. His project of a royal sitting, already

insufficient, was changed into a stroke of state policy by the new

council. The latter thought that the injunctions of the throne would

intimidate the assembly, and that France would be satisfied with promises

of reform. It seemed to be ignorant that the worst risk royalty can be

exposed to is that of disobedience.

Strokes of state policy generally come unexpectedly, and surprise those

they are intended to influence. It was not so with this; its preparations

tended to prevent success. It was feared that the majority of the clergy

would recognise the assembly by uniting with it; and to prevent so decided

a step, instead of hastening the royal sitting, they closed the Salle des

Etats, in order to suspend the assembly till the day of the sitting. The

preparations rendered necessary by the presence of the king was the

pretext for this unskilful and improper measure. At that time Bailly

presided over the assembly. This virtuous citizen had obtained, without

seeking them, all the honours of dawning liberty. He was the first

president of the assembly, as he had been the first deputy of Paris, and

was to become its first mayor. Beloved by his own party, respected by his

adversaries, he combined with the mildest and most enlightened virtues,

the most courageous sense of duty. Apprised on the night of the 20th of

June, by the keeper of the seals, of the suspension of the sitting, he

remained faithful to the wishes of the assembly, and did not fear

disobeying the court. At an appointed hour on the following day, he

repaired to the Salle des Etats, and finding an armed force in possession,

he protested against this act of despotism. In the meantime the deputies

arrived, dissatisfaction increased, all seemed disposed to brave the

perils of a sitting. The most indignant proposed going to Marly, and

holding the assembly under the windows of the king; one named the Tennis-

court; this proposition was well received, and the deputies repaired

thither in procession. Bailly was at their head; the people followed them

with enthusiasm; even soldiers volunteered to escort them, and there, in a

bare hall, the deputies of the commons standing with upraised hands, and

hearts full of their sacred mission, swore, with only one exception, not

to separate till they had given France a constitution.

This solemn oath, taken on the 20th of June, in the presence of the

nation, was followed on the 22nd by an important triumph. The assembly,

still deprived of their usual place of meeting, unable to make use of the

Tennis-court, the princes having hired it purposely that it might be

refused them, met in the church of Saint Louis. In this sitting, the

majority of the clergy joined them in the midst of patriotic transports.

Thus, the measures taken to intimidate the assembly, increased its

courage, and accelerated the union they were intended to prevent. By these

two failures the court prefaced the famous sitting of the 23rd of June.

At length it took place. A numerous guard surrounded the hall of the

states-general, the door of which was opened to the deputies, but closed

to the public. The king came surrounded with the pomp of power; he was

received, contrary to the usual custom, in profound silence. His speech

completed the measure of discontent by the tone of authority with which he

dictated measures rejected by public opinion and by the assembly. The king

complained of a want of union, excited by the court itself; he censured

the conduct of the assembly, regarding it only as the order of the third

estate; he annulled its decrees, enjoined the continuance of the orders,

imposed reforms, and determined their limits; enjoined the states-general

to adopt them, and threatened to dissolve them and to provide alone for

the welfare of the kingdom, if he met with more opposition on their part.

After this scene of authority, so ill-suited to the occasion, and at

variance with his heart, Louis XVI. withdrew, having commanded the

deputies to disperse. The clergy and nobility obeyed. The deputies of the

people, motionless, silent, and indignant, remained seated. They continued

in that attitude some time, when Mirabeau suddenly breaking silence, said:

"Gentlemen, I admit that what you have just heard might be for the welfare

of the country, were it not that the presents of despotism are always

dangerous. What is this insulting dictatorship? The pomp of arms, the

violation of the national temple, are resorted to--to command you to be

happy! Who gives this command? Your mandatary. Who makes these imperious

laws for you? Your mandatary; he who should rather receive them from you,

gentlemen--from us, who are invested with a political and inviolable

priesthood; from us, in a word, to whom alone twenty-five millions of men

are looking for certain happiness, because it is to be consented to, and

given and received by all. But the liberty of your discussions is

enchained; a military force surrounds the assembly! Where are the enemies

of the nation? Is Catiline at our gates? I demand, investing yourselves

with your dignity, with your legislative power, you inclose yourselves

within the religion of your oath. It does not permit you to separate till

you have formed a constitution."

The grand master of the ceremonies, finding the assembly did not break up,

came and reminded them of the king's order.

"Go and tell your master," cried Mirabeau, "that we are here at the

command of the people, and nothing but the bayonet shall drive us hence."

"You are to-day," added Sieyes, calmly, "what you were yesterday. Let us

deliberate."

The assembly, full of resolution and dignity, began the debate

accordingly. On the motion of Camus, it was determined to persist in the

decrees already made; and upon that of Mirabeau the inviolability of the

members of the assembly was decreed.

On that day the royal authority was lost. The initiative in law and moral

power passed from the monarch to the assembly. Those who, by their

counsels, had provoked this resistance, did not dare to punish it. Necker,

whose dismissal had been decided on that morning, was, in the evening,

entreated by the queen and Louis XVI. to remain in office. This minister

had disapproved of the royal sitting, and, by refusing to be present at

it, he again won the confidence of the assembly, which he had lost through

his hesitation. The season of disgrace was for him the season of

popularity. By this refusal he became the ally of the assembly, which

determined to support him. Every crisis requires a leader, whose name

becomes the standard of his party; while the assembly contended with the

court, that leader was Necker.

At the first sitting, that part of the clergy which had united with the

assembly in the church of Saint Louis, again sat with it; a few days

after, forty-seven members of the nobility, among whom was the duke of

Orleans, joined them; and the court was itself compelled to invite the

nobility, and a minority of the clergy, to discontinue a dissent that

would henceforth be useless. On the 27th of June the deliberation became

general. The orders ceased to exist legally, and soon disappeared. The

distinct seats they had hitherto occupied in the common hall soon became

confounded; the futile pre-eminences of rank vanished before national

authority.

The court, after having vainly endeavoured to prevent the formation of the

assembly, could now only unite with it, to direct its operations. With

prudence and candour it might still have repaired its errors and caused

its attacks to be forgotten. At certain moments, the initiative may be

taken in making sacrifices; at others, all that can be done is to make a

merit of accepting them. At the opening of the states-general, the king

might himself have made the constitution, now he was obliged to receive it

from the assembly; had he submitted to that position, he would infallibly

have improved it. But the advisers of Louis XVI., when they recovered from

the first surprise of defeat, resolved to have recourse to the use of the

bayonet, after they had failed in that of authority. They led the king to

suppose that the contempt of his orders, the safety of his throne, the

maintenance of the laws of the kingdom, and even the well-being of his

people depended on his reducing the assembly to submission; that the

latter, sitting at Versailles, close to Paris, two cities decidedly in its

favour, ought to be subdued by force, and removed to some other place or

dissolved; that it was urgent that this resolution should be adopted in

order to stop the progress of the assembly, and that in order to execute

it, it was necessary speedily to call together troops who might intimidate

the assembly and maintain order at Paris and Versailles.

While these plots were hatching, the deputies of the nation began their

legislative labours, and prepared the anxiously expected constitution,

which they considered they ought no longer to delay. Addresses poured in

from Paris and the principal towns of the kingdom, congratulating them on

their wisdom, and encouraging them to continue their task of regenerating

France. The troops, meantime, arrived in great numbers; Versailles assumed

the aspect of a camp; the Salle des Etats was surrounded by guards, and

the citizens refused admission. Paris was also encompassed by various

bodies of the army, ready to besiege or blockade it, as the occasion might

require. These vast military preparations, trains of artillery arriving

from the frontiers, and the presence of foreign regiments, whose obedience

was unlimited, announced sinister projects. The populace were restless and

agitated; and the assembly desired to enlighten the throne with respect to

its projects, and solicit the removal of the troops. At Mirabeau's

suggestion, it presented on the 9th of July a firm but respectful address

to the king, which proved useless. Louis XVI. declared that he alone had

to judge the necessity of assembling or dismissing troops, and assured

them, that those assembled formed only a precautionary army to prevent

disturbances and protect the assembly. He moreover offered the assembly to

remove it to Noyon or Soissons, that is to say, to place it between two

armies and deprive it of the support of the people.

Paris was in the greatest excitement; this vast city was unanimous in its

devotion to the assembly. The perils that threatened the representatives

of the nation, and itself, and the scarcity of food disposed it to

insurrection. Capitalists, from interest and the fear of bankruptcy; men

of enlightenment and all the middle classes, from patriotism; the people,

impelled by want, ascribing their sufferings to the privileged classes and

the court, desirous of agitation and change, all had warmly espoused the

cause of the revolution. It is difficult to conceive the movement which

disturbed the capital of France. It was arising from the repose and

silence of servitude; it was, as it were, astonished at the novelty of its

situation, and intoxicated with liberty and enthusiasm. The press excited

the public mind, the newspapers published the debates of the assembly, and

enabled the public to be present, as it were, at its deliberations, and

the questions mooted in its bosom were discussed in the open air, in the

public squares. It was at the Palais Royal, more especially, that the

assembly of the capital was held. The garden was always filled by a crowd

that seemed permanent, though continually renewed. A table answered the

purpose of the _tribune_, the first citizen at hand became the orator;

there men expatiated on the dangers that threatened the country, and

excited each other to resistance. Already, on a motion made at the Palais

Royal, the prisons of the Abbaye had been broken open, and some grenadiers

of the French guards, who had been imprisoned for refusing to fire on the

people, released in triumph. This outbreak was attended by no

consequences; a deputation had already solicited, in behalf of the

delivered prisoners, the interest of the assembly, who had recommended

them to the clemency of the king. They had returned to prison, and had

received pardon. But this regiment, one of the most complete and bravest,

had become favourable to the popular cause.

Such was the disposition of Paris when the court, having established

troops at Versailles, Sevres, the Champ de Mars, and Saint Denis, thought

itself able to execute its project. It commenced, on the 11th of July, by

the banishment of Necker, and the complete reconstruction of the ministry.

The marshal de Broglie, la Galissonniere, the duke de la Vauguyon, the

Baron de Breteuil, and the intendant Foulon, were appointed to replace

Puysegur, Montmorin, La Luzerne, Saint Priest, and Necker. The latter

received, while at dinner on the 11th of July, a note from the king

enjoining him to leave the country immediately. He finished dining very

calmly, without communicating the purport of the order he had received,

and then got into his carriage with Madame Necker, as if intending to

drive to Saint Omer, and took the road to Brussels.

On the following day, Sunday, the 12th of July, about four in the

afternoon, Necker's disgrace and departure became known at Paris. This

measure was regarded as the execution of the plot, the preparations for

which had so long been observed. In a short time the city was in the

greatest confusion; crowds gathered together on every side; more than ten

thousand persons flocked to the Palais Royal all affected by this news,

ready for anything, but not knowing what measure to adopt. Camille

Desmoulins, a young man, more daring than the rest, one of the usual

orators of the crowd, mounted on a table, pistol in hand, exclaiming:

"Citizens, there is no time to lose; the dismissal of Necker is the knell

of a Saint Bartholomew for patriots! This very night all the Swiss and

German battalions will leave the Champ de Mars to massacre us all; one

resource is left; to take arms!" These words were received with violent

acclamations. He proposed that cockades should be worn for mutual

recognition and protection. "Shall they be green," he cried, "the colour

of hope; or red, the colour of the free order of Cincinnatus?" "Green!

green!" shouted the multitude. The speaker descended from the table, and

fastened the sprig of a tree in his hat. Every one imitated him. The

chestnut-trees of the palace were almost stripped of their leaves, and

the crowd went in tumult to the house of the sculptor Curtius.

They take busts of Necker and the duke of Orleans, a report having also

gone abroad that the latter would be exiled, and covering them with crape,

carry them in triumph. This procession passes through the Rues Saint

Martin, Saint Denis, and Saint Honore, augmenting at every step. The crowd

obliges all they meet to take off their hats. Meeting the horse-patrol,

they take them as their escort. The procession advances in this way to the

Place Vendome, and there they carry the two busts twice round the statue

of Louis XIV. A detachment of the Royal-allemand comes up and attempts to

disperse the mob, but are put to flight by a shower of stones; and the

multitude, continuing its course, reaches the Place Louis XV. Here they

are assailed by the dragoons of the prince de Lambesc; after resisting a

few moments they are thrown into confusion; the bearer of one of the busts

and a soldier of one of the French guards are killed. The mob disperses,

part towards the quays, part fall back on the Boulevards, the rest hurry

to the Tuileries by the Pont Tournant. The prince de Lambesc, at the head

of his horsemen, with drawn sabre pursues them into the gardens, and

charges an unarmed multitude who were peaceably promenading and had

nothing to do with the procession. In this attack an old man is wounded by

a sabre cut; the mob defend themselves with the seats, and rush to the

terraces; indignation becomes general; the cry _To arms!_ soon resounds on

every side, at the Palais Royal and the Tuileries, in the city and in the

faubourgs.

We have already said that the regiment of the French guard was favourably

disposed towards the people: it had accordingly been ordered to keep in

barracks. The prince de Lambesc, fearing that it might nevertheless take

an active part, ordered sixty dragoons to station themselves before its

depot, situated in the Chaussee-d'Antin. The soldiers of the guards,

already dissatisfied at being kept as prisoners, were greatly provoked at

the sight of these strangers, with whom they had had a skirmish a few days

before. They wished to fly to arms, and their officers using alternately

threats and entreaties, had much difficulty in restraining them. But they

would hear no more, when some of their men brought them intelligence of

the attack at the Tuileries, and the death of one of their comrades: they

seized their arms, broke open the gates, and drew up in battle array at

the entrance of the barracks, and cried out, "_Qui vive?_"--"Royal-

allemand."--"Are you for the third estate?" "We are for those who command

us." Then the French guards fired on them, killed two of their men,

wounded three, and put the rest to flight. They then advanced at quick

time and with fixed bayonets to the Place Louis XV. and took their stand

between the Tuileries and the Champs Elysees, the people and the troops,

and kept that post during the night. The soldiers of the Champ de Mars

were immediately ordered to advance. When they reached the Champs Elysees,

the French guards received them with discharges of musketry. They wished

to make them fight, but they refused: the Petits-Suisses were the first to

give this example, which the other regiments followed. The officers, in

despair, ordered a retreat; the troops retired as far as the Grille de

Chaillot, whence they soon withdrew into the Champ de Mars. The defection

of the French guard, and the manifest refusal even of the foreign troops

to march on the capital, caused the failure of the projects of the court.

During the evening the people had repaired to the Hotel de Ville, and

requested that the tocsin might be sounded, the districts assembled, and

the citizens armed. Some electors assembled at the Hotel de Ville, and

took the authority into their own hands. They rendered great service to

their fellow-citizens and the cause of liberty by their courage, prudence,

and activity, during these days of insurrection; but in the first

confusion of the rising it was with difficulty they succeeded in making

themselves heard. The tumult was at its height; each only answered the

dictates of his own passions. Side by side with well-disposed citizens

were men of suspicious character, who only sought in insurrection

opportunities for pillage and disorder. Bands of labourers employed by

government in the public works, for the most part without home or

substance, burnt the barriers, infested the streets, plundered houses, and

obtained the name of brigands. The night of the 12th and 13th was spent in

tumult and alarm.

The departure of Necker, which threw the capital into this state of

excitement, had no less effect at Versailles and in the assembly. It

caused the same astonishment and discontent. The deputies repaired early

in the morning to the Salle des Etats; they were gloomy, but their silence

arose from indignation rather than dejection. "At the opening of the

session," said a deputy, "several addresses of adherence to the decrees

were listened to in mournful silence by the assembly, more attentive to

their own thoughts than to the addresses read." Mounier began; he

exclaimed against the dismissal of ministers beloved by the nation, and

the choice of their successors. He proposed an address to the king

demanding their recall, showing him the dangers attendant on violent

measures, the misfortunes that would follow the employment of troops, and

telling him that the assembly solemnly opposed itself to an infamous

national bankruptcy. At these words, the feelings of the assembly,

hitherto restrained, broke out in clapping of hands, and cries of

approbation. Lally-Tollendal, a friend of Necker, then came forward with a

sorrowful air, and delivered a long and eloquent eulogium on the banished

minister. He was listened to with the greatest interest; his grief

responded to that of the public; the cause of Necker was now that of the

country. The nobility itself sided with the members of the third estate,

either considering the danger common, or dreading to incur the same blame

as the court if it did not disapprove its conduct, or perhaps it obeyed

the general impulse.

A noble deputy, the count de Virieu, set the example, and said: "Assembled

for the constitution, let us make the constitution; let us tighten our

mutual bonds; let us renew, confirm, and consecrate the glorious decrees

of the 17th of June; let us join in the celebrated resolution made on the

20th of the same month. Let us all, yes, all, all the united orders, swear

to be faithful to those illustrious decrees which now can alone save the

kingdom." "_The constitution shall be made, or we will cease to be_,"

added the duc de la Rochefoucauld. But this unanimity became still more

confirmed when the rising of Paris, the excesses which ensued the burning

of the barriers, the assembling of the electors at the Hotel de Ville, the

confusion of the capital, and the fact that citizens were ready to be

attacked by the soldiers or to slaughter each other, became known to the

assembly. Then one cry resounded through the hall: "Let the recollection

of our momentary divisions be effaced! Let us unite our efforts for the

salvation of the country!" A deputation was immediately sent to the king,

composed of eighty members, among whom were all the deputies of Paris. The

archbishop of Vienne, president of the assembly, was at its head. It was

to represent to the king the dangers that threatened the capital, the

necessity of sending away the troops, and entrusting the care of the city

to a militia of citizens; and if it obtained these demands from the king,

a deputation was to be sent to Paris with the consolatory intelligence.

But the members soon returned with an unsatisfactory answer.

The assembly now saw that it must depend on itself, and that the projects

of the court were irrevocably fixed. Far from being discouraged, it only

became more firm, and immediately voted unanimously a decree proclaiming

the responsibility of the present ministers of the king, and of all his

counsellors, _of whatever rank they might be_; it further passed a vote of

regret for Necker and the other disgraced ministers; it resolved that it

would not cease to insist upon the dismissal of the troops and the

establishment of a militia of citizens; it placed the public debt under

the safeguard of French honour, and adhered to all its previous decrees.

After these measures, it adopted a last one, not less necessary;

apprehending that the Salle des Etats might, during the night, be occupied

by a military force for the purpose of dispersing the assembly, it

resolved to sit permanently till further orders. It decided that a portion

of the members should sit during the night, and another relieve them early

in the morning. To spare the venerable archbishop of Vienne the fatigue of

a permanent presidency, a vice-president was appointed to supply his place

on these extraordinary occasions. Lafayette was elected to preside over

the night sittings. It passed off without a debate; the deputies remaining

in their seats, observing silence, but apparently calm and serene. It was

by these measures, this expression of public regret, by these decrees,

this unanimous enthusiasm, this sustained good sense, this inflexible

conduct, that the assembly rose gradually to a level with its dangers and

its mission.

On the 13th the insurrection took at Paris a more regular character. Early

in the morning the populace flocked to the Hotel de Ville; the tocsin was

sounded there and in all the churches; and drums were beat in the streets

to call the citizens together. The public places soon became thronged.

Troops were formed under the titles of volunteers of the Palais Royal,

volunteers of the Tuileries, of the Basoche, and of the Arquebuse. The

districts assembled, and each of them voted two hundred men for its

defence. Arms alone were wanting; and these were eagerly sought wherever

there was any hope of finding them. All that could be found at the gun-

smiths and sword-cutlers were taken, receipts being sent to the owners.

They applied for arms at the Hotel de Ville. The electors who were still

assembled, replied in vain that they had none; they insisted on having

them. The electors then sent the head of the city, M. de Flesselles, the

Prevot des marchands, who alone knew the military state of the capital,

and whose popular authority promised to be of great assistance in this

difficult conjuncture. He was received with loud applause by the

multitude: "_My friends_," said he, "_I am your father; you shall be

satisfied_." A permanent committee was formed at the Hotel de Ville, to

take measures for the general safety.

About the same time it was announced that the Maison des Lazaristes, which

contained a large quantity of grain, had been despoiled; that the Garde-

Meuble had been forced open to obtain old arms, and that the gun-smiths'

shops had been plundered. The greatest excesses were apprehended from the

crowd; it was let loose, and it seemed difficult to master its fury. But

this was a moment of enthusiasm and disinterestedness. The mob itself

disarmed suspected characters; the corn found at the Lazaristes was taken

to the Halle; not a single house was plundered, and carriages and vehicles

filled with provisions, furniture and utensils, stopped at the gates of

the city, were taken to the Place de Greve, which became a vast depot.

Here the crowd increased every moment, shouting _Arms!_ It was now about

one o'clock. The provost of the merchants then announced the immediate

arrival of twelve thousand guns from the manufactory of Charleville, which

would soon be followed by thirty thousand more.

This appeased the people for some time, and the committee was enabled to

pursue quietly its task of organizing a militia of citizens. In less than

four hours the plan was drawn up, discussed, adopted, printed, and

proclaimed. It was resolved that the Parisian guard should, till further

orders, be increased to forty-eight thousand men. All citizens were

invited to enrol their names; every district had its battalion; every

battalion its leaders; the command of this army of citizens was offered to

the duc d'Aumont, who required twenty-four hours to decide. In the

meantime the marquis de la Salle was appointed second in command. The

green cockade was then exchanged for a blue and red one, which were the

colours of the city. All this was the work of a few hours. The districts

gave their assent to the measures adopted by the permanent committee. The

clerks of the Chatelet, those of the Palais, medical students, soldiers of

the watch, and what was of still greater value, the French guards offered

their services to the assembly. Patrols began to be formed, and to

perambulate the streets.

The people waited with impatience the realisation of the promise of the

provost of the merchants, but no guns arrived; evening approached, and

they feared during the night another attack from the troops. They thought

they were betrayed when they heard of an attempt to convey secretly from

Paris nearly fifty cwt. of powder, which had been intercepted by the

people at the barriers. But soon after some cases arrived, labelled

_Artillery_. At this sight, the commotion subsided; the cases were

escorted to the Hotel de Ville, it being supposed that they contained the

guns expected from Charleville. On opening them, they were found to

contain old linen and pieces of wood. A cry of treachery arose on every

side, mingled with murmurs and threats against the committee and the

provost of the merchants. The latter apologized, declaring he had been

deceived; and to gain time, or to get rid of the crowd, sent them to the

Chartreux, to seek for arms. Finding none there, the mob returned, enraged

and mistrustful. The committee then felt satisfied there was no other way

of arming Paris, and curing the suspicions of the people, than by forging

pikes; and accordingly gave orders that fifty thousand should be made

immediately. To avoid the excesses of the preceding night, the town was

illuminated, and patrols marched through it in every direction.

The next day, the people that had been unable to obtain arms on the

preceding day, came early in the morning to solicit some from the

committee, blaming its refusal and failures of the day before. The

committee had sent for some in vain; none had arrived from Charleville,

none were to be found at the Chartreux, and the arsenal itself was empty.

The mob, no longer satisfied with excuses, and more convinced than ever

that they were betrayed, hurried in a mass to the Hotel des Invalides,

which contained a considerable depot of arms. It displayed no fear of the

troops established in the Champ de Mars, broke into the Hotel, in spite of

the entreaties of the governor, M. de Sombreuil, found twenty-eight

thousand guns concealed in the cellars, seized them, took all the sabres,

swords, and cannon, and carried them off in triumph. The cannon were

placed at the entrance of the Faubourgs, at the palace of the Tuileries,

on the quays and on the bridges, for the defence of the capital against

the invasion of troops, which was expected every moment.

Even during the same morning an alarm was given that the regiments

stationed at Saint Denis were on the march, and that the cannon of the

Bastille were pointed on the Rue Saint Antoine. The committee immediately

sent to ascertain the truth; appointed bands of citizens to defend that

side of the town, and sent a deputation to the governor of the Bastille,

soliciting him to withdraw his cannon and engage in no act of hostility.

This alarm, together with the dread which that fortress inspired, the

hatred felt for the abuses it shielded, the importance of possessing so

prominent a point, and of not leaving it in the power of the enemy in a

moment of insurrection, drew the attention of the populace in that

direction. From nine in the morning till two, the only rallying word

throughout Paris was "a la Bastille! a la Bastille!" The citizens hastened

thither in bands from all quarters, armed with guns, pikes, and sabres.

The crowd which already surrounded it was considerable; the sentinels of

the fortress were at their posts, and the drawbridges raised as in war.

A deputy of the district of Saint Louis de la Culture, named Thuriot de la

Rosiere, then requested a parley with De Launay, the governor. When

admitted to his presence he summoned him to change the direction of the

cannon. The governor replied, that the cannon had always been placed on

the towers, and it was not in his power to remove them; yet, at the same

time, having heard of the alarm prevalent among the Parisians, he had had

them withdrawn a few paces, and taken out of the port-holes. With some

difficulty Thuriot obtained permission to enter the fortress further, and

examine if its condition was really as satisfactory for the town as the

governor represented it to be. As he advanced, he observed three pieces of

cannon pointed on the avenues leading to the open space before the

fortress, and ready to sweep those who might attempt to attack it. About

forty Swiss, and eighty Invalides, were under arms. Thuriot urged them, as

well as the staff of the place, in the name of honour and of their

country, not to act as the enemies of the people. Both officers and

soldiers swore they would not make use of their arms unless attacked.

Thuriot then ascended the towers, and perceived a crowd gathering in all

directions, and the inhabitants of the Faubourg Saint Antoine, who were

rising in a mass. The multitude without, not seeing him return, were

already demanding him with great clamour. To satisfy the people, he

appeared on the parapet of the fortress, and was received with loud

applause from the gardens of the arsenal. He then rejoined his party, and

having informed them of the result of his mission, proceeded to the

committee.

But the impatient crowd now clamoured for the surrender of the Bastille.

From time to time the cry arose, "The Bastille! we will have the

Bastille!" At length, two men, more determined than the rest, darting from

the crowd, sprang on a guardhouse, and struck at the chains of the

drawbridge with heavy hatchets. The soldiers shouted to them to retire,

and threatened to fire; but they continued to strike, succeeded in

breaking the chains and lowering the bridge, and then rushed over it,

followed by the crowd. In this way they advanced to cut the chains of the

second bridge. The garrison now dispersed them with a discharge of

musketry. They returned, however, to the attack, and for several hours

their efforts were confined to the second bridge, the approach to which

was defended by a ceaseless fire from the fortress. The mob infuriated by

this obstinate resistance, tried to break in the gates with hatchets, and

to set fire to the guard-house. A murderous discharge of grapeshot

proceeded from the garrison, and many of the besiegers were killed and

wounded. They only became the more determined, and seconded by the daring

and determination of the two brave men, Elie and Hulin, who were at their

head, they continued the attack with fury.

The committee of the Hotel de Ville were in a state of great anxiety. The

siege of the Bastille seemed to them a very rash enterprise. They ever and

anon received intelligence of the disasters that had taken place before

the fortress. They wavered between fear of the troops should they prove

victorious, and that of the multitude who clamoured for ammunition to

continue the siege. As they could not give what they did not possess, the

mob cried treachery. Two deputations had been sent by the committee for

the purpose of discontinuing hostilities, and inviting the governor to

confide the keeping of the place to the citizens; but in the midst of the

tumult, the cries, and the firing, they could not make themselves heard. A

third was sent, carrying a drum and banner, that it might be more easily

distinguished, but it experienced no better fortune: neither side would

listen to anything. The assembly at the Hotel de Ville, notwithstanding it

efforts and activity, still incurred the suspicions of the populace. The

provost of the merchants, especially, excited the greatest mistrust. "He

has already deceived us several times during the day," said one. "He

talks," said another, "of opening a trench; he only wants to gain time, to

make us lose ours." Then an old man cried: "Comrades, why do you listen to

traitors? Forward, follow me! In less than two hours the Bastille will be

taken!"

The siege had lasted more than four hours when the French guards arrived

with cannon. Their arrival changed the appearance of the combat. The

garrison itself begged the governor to yield. The unfortunate De Launay,

dreading the fate that awaited him, wished to blow up the fortress, and

bury himself under its ruins and those of the faubourg. He went in despair

towards the powder magazine, with a lighted match. The garrison stopped

him, raised a white standard on the platform, and reversed the guns, in

token of peace. But the assailants still continued to fight and advance,

shouting, "Lower the bridges!" Through the battlements a Swiss officer

proposed to capitulate, with permission to retire from the building with

the honours of war. "No! no!" clamoured the crowd. The same officer

proposed to lay down arms, on the promise that their lives should be

spared. "Lower the bridge," rejoined the foremost of the assailants, "you

shall not be injured." The gates were opened and the bridge lowered, on

this assurance, and the crowd rushed into the Bastille. Those who led the

multitude wished to save from its vengeance the governor, Swiss soldiers,

and Invalides; but cries of "Give them up! give them up! they fired on

their fellow-citizens, they deserve to be hanged!" rose on every side. The

governor, a few Swiss soldiers and Invalides were torn from the protection

of those who sought to defend them, and put to death by the implacable

crowd.

The permanent committee knew nothing of the issue of the combat. The hall

of the sittings was invaded by a furious multitude, who threatened the

provost of the merchants and electors. Flesselles began to be alarmed at

his position; he was pale and agitated. The object of the most violent

reproaches and threats, they obliged him to go from the hall of the

committee to the hall of the general assembly, where a great crowd of

citizens was assembled. "Let him come; let him follow us," resounded from

all sides. "This is too much!" rejoined Flesselles. "Let us go, since they

request it; let us go where I am expected." They had scarcely reached the

great hall, when the attention of the multitude was drawn off by shouts on

the Place de Greve. They heard the cries of "Victory! victory! liberty!"

It was the arrival of the conquerors of the Bastille which this announced.

They themselves soon entered the hall with the most noisy and the most

fearful pomp. The persons who had most distinguished themselves were

carried in triumph, crowned with laurels. They were escorted by more than

fifteen hundred men, with glaring eyes and dishevelled hair, with all

kinds of arms, pressing one upon another, and making the flooring yield

beneath their feet. One carried the keys and standard of the Bastille;

another, its regulations suspended to his bayonet; a third, with horrible

barbarity, raised in his bleeding hand the buckle of the governor's stock.

With this parade, the procession of the conquerors of the Bastille,

followed by an immense crowd that thronged the quays, entered the hall of

the Hotel de Ville to inform the committee of their triumph, and decide

the fate of the prisoners who survived. A few wished to leave it to the

committee, but others shouted: "No quarter for the prisoners! No quarter

for the men who fired on their fellow-citizens!" La Salle, the commandant,

the elector Moreau de Saint-Mery, and the brave Elie, succeeded in

appeasing the multitude, and obtained a general amnesty.

It was now the turn of the unfortunate Flesselles. It is said that a

letter found on De Launay proved the treachery of which he was suspected.

"I am amusing the Parisians," he wrote, "with cockades and promises. Hold

out till the evening, and you shall be reinforced." The mob hurried to his

office. The more moderate demanded that he should be arrested and confined

in the Chatelet; but others opposed this, saying that he should be

conveyed to the Palais-Royal, and there tried. This decision gave general

satisfaction. "To the Palais-Royal! To the Palais-Royal!" resounded from

every side. "Well--be it so, gentlemen," replied Flesselles, with

composure, "let us go to the Palais-Royal." So saying, he descended the

steps, passed through the crowd, which opened to make way for him, and

which followed without offering him any violence. But at the corner of the

Quay Pelletier a stranger rushed forward, and killed him with a pistol-

shot.

After these scenes of war, tumult, dispute, and vengeance, the Parisians,

fearing, from some intercepted letters, that an attack would be made

during the night, prepared to receive the enemy. The whole population

joined in the labour of fortifying the town; they formed barricades,

opened intrenchments, unpaved streets, forged pikes, and cast bullets.

Women carried stones to the tops of the houses to crush the soldiers as

they passed. The national guard were distributed in posts; Paris seemed

changed into an immense foundry and a vast camp, and the whole night was

spent under arms, expecting the conflict.

While the insurrection assumed this violent, permanent, and serious

character at Paris, what was doing at Versailles? The court was preparing

to realize its designs against the capital and assembly. The night of the

14th was fixed upon for their execution. The baron de Breteuil, who was at

the head of the ministry, had promised to restore the royal authority in

three days. Marshal de Broglie, commander of the army collected around

Paris, had received unlimited powers of all kinds. On the 15th the

declaration of the 23rd of June was to be renewed, and the king, after

forcing the assembly to adopt it, was to dissolve it. Forty thousand

copies of this declaration were in readiness to be circulated throughout

the kingdom; and to meet the pressing necessities of the treasury more

than a hundred millions of paper money was created. The movement in Paris,

so far from thwarting the court, favoured its views. To the last moment it

looked upon it as a passing tumult that might easily be suppressed; it

believed neither in its perseverance nor in its success, and it did not

seem possible to it that a town of citizens could resist an army.

The assembly was apprised of these projects. For two days it had sat

without interruption, in a state of great anxiety and alarm. It was

ignorant of the greater portion of what was passing in Paris. At one time

it was announced that the insurrection was general, and that all Paris was

marching on Versailles; then that the troops were advancing on the

capital. They fancied they heard cannon, and they placed their ears to the

ground to assure themselves. On the evening of the 14th it was announced

that the king intended to depart during the night, and that the assembly

would be left to the mercy of the foreign regiments. This last alarm was

not without foundation. A carriage and horses were kept in readiness, and

the body-guard remained booted for several days. Besides, at the Orangery,

incidents truly alarming took place; the troops were prepared and

stimulated for their expedition by distributions of wine and by

encouragements. Everything announced that a decisive moment had arrived.

Despite the approaching and increasing danger, the assembly was unshaken,

and persisted in its first resolutions. Mirabeau, who had first required

the dismissal of the troops, now arranged another deputation. It was on

the point of setting out, when the viscount de Noailles, a deputy, just

arrived from Paris, informed the assembly of the progress of the

insurrection, the pillage of the Invalides, the arming of the people, and

the siege of the Bastille. Wimpfen, another deputy, to this account added

that of the personal dangers he had incurred, and assured them that the

fury of the populace was increasing with its peril. The assembly proposed

the establishment of couriers to bring them intelligence every half hour.

M. M. Ganilh and Bancal-des-Issarts, despatched by the committee at the

Hotel de Ville as a deputation to the assembly, confirmed all they had

just heard. They informed them of the measures taken by the electors to

secure order and the defence of the capital; the disasters that had

happened before the Bastille; the inutility of the deputations sent to the

governor, and told them that the fire of the garrison had surrounded the

fortress with the slain. A cry of indignation arose in the assembly at

this intelligence, and a second deputation was instantly despatched to

communicate these distressing tidings to the king. The first returned with

an unsatisfactory answer; it was now ten at night. The king, on learning

these disastrous events, which seemed to presage others still greater,

appeared affected. Struggling against the part he had been induced to

adopt, he said to the deputies,--"You rend my heart more and more by the

dreadful news you bring of the misfortunes of Paris. It is impossible to

suppose that the orders given to the troops are the cause of these

disasters. You are acquainted with the answer I returned to the first

deputation; I have nothing to add to it." This answer consisted of a

promise that the troops of the Champ de Mars should be sent away from

Paris, and of an order given to general officers to assume the command of

the guard of citizens. Such measures were not sufficient to remedy the

dangerous situation in which men were placed; and it neither satisfied nor

gave confidence to the assembly.

Shortly after this, the deputies d'Ormesson and Duport announced to the

assembly the taking of the Bastille, and the deaths of De Launay and

Flesselles. It was proposed to send a third deputation to the king,

imploring the removal of the troops. "No," said Clermont Tonnerre, "leave

them the night to consult in; kings must buy experience as well as other

men." In this way the assembly spent the night. On the following morning,

another deputation was appointed to represent to the king the misfortunes

that would follow a longer refusal. When on the point of starting,

Mirabeau stopped it: "Tell him," he exclaimed, "that the hordes of

strangers who invest us, received yesterday, visits, caresses,

exhortations, and presents from the princes, princesses, and favourites;

tell him that, during the night, these foreign satellites, gorged with

gold and wine, predicted in their impious songs the subjection of France,

and invoked the destruction of the national assembly; tell him, that in

his own palace, courtiers danced to the sound of that barbarous music, and

that such was the prelude to the massacre of Saint Bartholomew! Tell him

that the Henry of his ancestors, whom he wished to take as his model,

whose memory is honoured by all nations, sent provisions into a Paris in

revolt when besieging the city himself, while the savage advisers of Louis

send away the corn which trade brings into Paris loyal and starving."

But at that moment the king entered the assembly. The duke de Liancourt,

taking advantage of the access his quality of master of the robes gave

him, had informed the king, during the night, of the desertion of the

French guard, and of the attack and taking of the Bastille. At this news,

of which his councillors had kept him in ignorance, the monarch exclaimed,

with surprise, "this is a revolt!" "No sire! it is a revolution." This

excellent citizen had represented to him the danger to which the projects

of the court exposed him; the fears and exasperations of the people, the

disaffection of the troops, and he determined upon presenting himself

before the assembly, to satisfy them as to his intentions. The news at

first excited transports of joy. Mirabeau represented to his colleagues,

that it was not fit to indulge in premature applause. "Let us wait," said

he, "till his majesty makes known the good intentions we are led to expect

from him. The blood of our brethren flows in Paris. Let a sad respect be

the first reception given to the king by the representatives of an

unfortunate people: the silence of the people is the lesson of kings."

The assembly resumed the sombre demeanour which had never left it during

the three preceding days. The king entered without guards, and only

attended by his brothers. He was received, at first, in profound silence;

but when he told them he was _one with the nation_, and that, relying on

the love and fidelity of his subjects, he had ordered the troops to leave

Paris and Versailles; when he uttered the affecting words--_Eh bien, c'est

moi qui me fie a vous_, general applause ensued. The assembly arose

spontaneously, and conducted him back to the chateau.

This intelligence diffused gladness in Versailles and Paris, where the

reassured people passed, by sudden transition, from animosity to

gratitude. Louis XVI. thus restored to himself, felt the importance of

appeasing the capital in person, of regaining the affection of the people,

and of thus conciliating the popular power. He announced to the assembly

that he would recall Necker, and repair to Paris the following day. The

assembly had already nominated a deputation of a hundred members, which

preceded the king to the capital. It was received with enthusiasm. Bailly

and Lafayette, who formed part of it, were appointed, the former mayor of

Paris, the latter commander-in-chief of the citizen guard. Bailly owed

this recompense to his long and difficult presidency of the assembly, and

Lafayette to his glorious and patriotic conduct. A friend of Washington,

and one of the principal authors of American independence, he had, on his

return to his country, first pronounced the name of the states-general,

had joined the assembly, with the minority of the nobility, and had since

proved himself one of the most zealous partisans of the revolution.

On the 27th, the new magistrates went to receive the king at the head of

the municipality and the Parisian guard. "Sire," said Bailly, "I bring

your majesty the keys of your good town of Paris; they are the same which

were presented to Henry IV.; he had regained his people; now the people

have regained their king." From the Place Louis XV. to the Hotel de Ville,

the king passed through a double line of the national guard, placed in

ranks three or four deep, and armed with guns, pikes, lances, scythes, and

staves. Their countenances were still gloomy; and no cry was heard but the

oft-repeated shout of "Vive la Nation!" But when Louis XVI. had left his

carriage and received from Bailly's hands the tri-coloured cockade, and,

surrounded by the crowd without guards, had confidently entered the Hotel

de Ville, cries of "Vive le Roi!" burst forth on every side. The

reconciliation was complete; Louis XVI. received the strongest marks of

affection. After approving the choice of the people with respect to the

new magistrates, he returned to Versailles, where some anxiety was

entertained as to the success of his journey, on account of the preceding

troubles. The national assembly met him in the Avenue de Paris; it

accompanied him as far as the chateau, where the queen and her children

ran to his arms.

The ministers opposed to the revolution, and all the authors of the

unsuccessful projects, retired from court. The count d'Artois and his two

sons, the prince de Conde, the prince de Conti, and the Polignac family,

accompanied by a numerous train, left France. They settled at Turin, where

the count d'Artois and the prince de Conde were soon joined by Calonne,

who became their agent. Thus began the first emigration. The emigrant

princes were not long in exciting civil war in the kingdom, and forming an

European coalition against France.

Necker returned in triumph. This was the finest moment of his life; few

men have had such. The minister of the nation, disgraced for it, and

recalled for it, he was welcomed along the road from Bale to Paris, with

every expression of public gratitude and joy. His entry into Paris was a

day of festivity. But the day that raised his popularity to its height put

a term to it. The multitude, still enraged against all who had

participated in the project of the 14th of July, had put to death, with

relentless cruelty, Foulon, the intended minister, and his nephew,

Berthier. Indignant at these executions, fearing that others might fall

victims, and especially desirous of saving the baron de Besenval,

commander of the army of Paris, under marshal de Broglie, and detained

prisoner, Necker demanded a general amnesty and obtained it from the

assembly of electors. This step was very imprudent, in a moment of

enthusiasm and mistrust. Necker did not know the people; he was not aware

how easily they suspect their chiefs and destroy their idols. They thought

he wished to protect their enemies from the punishment they had incurred;

the districts assembled, the legality of an amnesty pronounced by an

unauthorised assembly was violently attacked, and the electors themselves

revoked it. No doubt, it was advisable to calm the rage of the people, and

recommend them to be merciful; but instead of demanding the liberation of

the accused, the application should have been for a tribunal which would

have removed them from the murderous jurisdiction of the multitude. In

certain cases that which appears most humane is not really so. Necker,

without gaining anything, excited the people against himself, and the

districts against the electors; from that time he began to contend against

the revolution, of which, because he had been for a moment its hero, he

hoped to become the master. But an individual is of slight importance

during a revolution which raises the masses; that vast movement either

drags him on with it, or tramples him under foot; he must either precede

or succumb. At no time is the subordination of men to circumstances more

clearly manifested: revolutions employ many leaders, and when they submit,

it is to one alone.

The consequences of the 14th of July were immense. The movement of Paris

communicated itself to the provinces; the country population, imitating

that of the capital, organized itself in all directions into

municipalities for purposes of self-government; and into bodies of

national guards for self-defence. Authority and force became wholly

displaced; royalty had lost them by its defeat, the nation had acquired

them. The new magistrates were alone powerful, alone obeyed; their

predecessors were altogether mistrusted. In towns, the people rose against

them and against the privileged classes, whom they naturally supposed

enemies to the change that had been effected. In the country, the chateaux

were fired and the peasantry burned the title-deeds of their lords. In a

moment of victory it is difficult not to make an abuse of power. But to

appease the people it was necessary to destroy abuses, in order that, they

might not, while seeking to get rid of them, confound privilege with

property. Classes had disappeared, arbitrary power was destroyed; with

these, their old accessory, inequality, too, must be suppressed. Thus must

proceed the establishment of the new order of things, and these

preliminaries were the work of a single night.

The assembly had addressed to the people proclamations calculated to

restore tranquillity. The Chatelet was constituted a court for trying the

conspirators of the 14th of July, and this also contributed to the

restoration of order by satisfying the multitude. An important measure

remained to be executed, the abolition of privileges. On the night of the

4th of August, the viscount de Noailles gave the signal for this. He

proposed the redemption of feudal rights, and the suppression of personal

servitude. With this motion began the sacrifice of all the privileged

classes; a rivalry of patriotism and public offerings arose among them.

The enthusiasm became general; in a few hours the cessation of all abuses

was decreed. The duke du Chatelet proposed the redemption of tithes and

their conversion into a pecuniary tax; the bishop of Chartres, the

abolition of the game-laws; the count de Virieu, that of the law

protecting doves and pigeons. The abolition of seigneurial courts, of the

purchase and sale of posts in the magistracy, of pecuniary immunities, of

favouritism in taxation, of surplice money, first-fruits, pluralities, and

unmerited pensions, were successively proposed and carried. After

sacrifices made by individuals, came those of bodies, of towns and

provinces. Companies and civic freedoms were abolished. The marquis des

Blacons, a deputy of Dauphine, in the name of his province, pronounced a

solemn renunciation of its privileges. The other provinces followed the

example of Dauphine, and the towns that of the provinces. A medal was

struck to commemorate the day; and the assembly decreed to Louis XVI. the

title of _Restorer of French Liberty_.

That night, which an enemy of the revolution designated at the time, the

Saint Bartholomew of property, was only the Saint Bartholomew of abuses.

It swept away the rubbish of feudalism; it delivered persons from the

remains of servitude, properties from seigneurial liabilities; from the

ravages of game, and the exaction of tithes. By destroying the seigneurial

courts, that remnant of private power, it led to the principle of public

power; in putting an end to the purchasing posts in the magistracy, it

threw open the prospect of unbought justice. It was the transition from an

order of things in which everything belonged to individuals, to another in

which everything was to belong to the nation. That night changed the face

of the kingdom; it made all Frenchmen equal; all might now obtain public

employments; aspire to the idea of property of their own, of exercising

industry for their own benefit. That night was a revolution as important

as the insurrection of the 14th of July, of which it was the consequence.

It made the people masters of society, as the other had made them masters

of the government, and it enabled them to prepare the new, while

destroying the old constitution.

The revolution had progressed rapidly, had obtained great results in a

very short time; it would have been less prompt, less complete, had it not

been attacked. Every refusal became for it the cause of a new success; it

foiled intrigue, resisted authority, triumphed over force; and at the

point of time we have reached, the whole edifice of absolute monarchy had

fallen to the ground, through the errors of its chiefs. The 17th of June

had witnessed the disappearance of the three orders, and the states-

general changed into the national assembly; with the 23rd of June

terminated the moral influence of royalty; with the 14th of July its

physical power; the assembly inherited the one, the people the other;

finally, the 4th of August completed this first revolution. The period we

have just gone over stands prominently out from the rest; in its brief

course force was displaced, and all the preliminary changes were

accomplished. The following period is that in which the new system is

discussed, becomes established, and in which the assembly, after having

been destructive, becomes constructive.

CHAPTER II

FROM THE NIGHT OF THE 4TH OF AUGUST TO THE 5TH AND 6TH OF OCTOBER, 1789

The national assembly, composed of the elite of the nation, was full of

intelligence, pure intentions, and projects for the public good. It was

not, indeed, free from parties, or wholly unanimous; but the mass was not

dominated by any man or idea; and it was the mass which, upon a conviction

ever untrammelled and often entirely spontaneous, decided the

deliberations and bestowed popularity. The following were the divisions of

views and interests it contained within itself:--

The court had a party in the assembly, the privileged classes, who

remained for a long time silent, and took but a tardy share in the

debates. This party consisted of those who during the dispute as to the

orders had declared against union. The aristocratic classes,

notwithstanding their momentary agreement with the commons, had interests

altogether contrary to those of the national party; and, accordingly, the

nobility and higher clergy, who formed the Right of the assembly, were in

constant opposition to it, except on days of peculiar excitement. These

foes of the revolution, unable to prevent it by their sacrifices, or to

stop it by their adhesion, systematically contended against all its

reforms. Their leaders were two men who were not the first among them in

birth or rank, but who were superior to the rest in talents. Maury and

Cazales represented, as it were, the one the clergy, and the other the

nobility.

These two orators of the privileged classes, according to the intentions

of their party, who put little faith in the duration of these changes,

rather protested than stood on the defensive; and in all their discussions

their aim was not to instruct the assembly, but to bring it into

disrepute. Each introduced into his part the particular turn of his mind

and character: Maury made long speeches, Cazales lively sallies. The first

preserved at the tribune his habits as a preacher and academician; he

spoke on legislative subjects without understanding them, never seizing

the right view of the subject, nor even that most advantageous to his

party; he gave proofs of audacity, erudition, skill, a brilliant and well-

sustained facility, but never displayed solidity of judgment, firm

conviction, or real eloquence. The abbe Maury spoke as soldiers fight. No

one could contradict oftener or more pertinaciously than he, or more

flippantly substitute quotations and sophisms for reasoning, or rhetorical

phrases for real bursts of feeling. He possessed much talent, but wanted

the faculty which gives it life and truth. Cazales was the opposite of

Maury: he had a just and ready mind; his eloquence was equally facile, but

more animated; there was candour in his outbursts, and he always gave the

best reasons. No rhetorician, he always took the true side of a question

that concerned his party, and left declamation to Maury. With the

clearness of his views, his ardent character, and the good use he made of

his talents, his only fault was that of his position; Maury, on the other

hand, added the errors of his mind to those which were inseparable from

the cause he espoused.

Necker and the ministry had also a party; but it was less numerous than

the other, on account of its moderation. France was then divided into the

privileged classes opposed to the revolution, and the people who

strenuously desired it. As yet there was no place for a mediating party

between them. Necker had declared himself in favour of the English

constitution, and those who from ambition or conviction were of his views,

rallied round him. Among these was Mounier, a man of strong mind and

inflexible spirit, who considered that system as the type of

representative governments; Lally-Tollendal, as decided in his views as

the former, and more persuasive; Clermont-Tonnerre, the friend and ally of

Mounier and Lally; in a word, the minority of the nobility, and some of

the bishops, who hoped to become members of the upper chamber, should

Necker's views be adopted.

The leaders of this party, afterwards called the monarchical party, wished

to affect a revolution by compromise, and to introduce into France a

representative government, ready formed, namely, that of England. At every

point, they besought the powerful to make a compromise with the weak.

Before the 14th of July they asked the court and privileged classes to

satisfy the commons; afterwards, they asked the commons to agree to an

arrangement with the court and the privileged classes. They thought that

each ought to preserve his influence in the state; that deposed parties

are discontented parties, and that a legal existence must be made for

them, or interminable struggles be expected on their part. But they did

not see how little their ideas were appropriate to a moment of exclusive

passions. The struggle was begun, the struggle destined to result in the

triumph of a system, and not in a compromise. It was a victory which had

made the three orders give place to a single assembly, and it was

difficult to break the unity of this assembly in order to arrive at a

government of two Chambers. The moderate party had not been able to obtain

this government from the court, nor were they to obtain it from the

nation: to the one it had appeared too popular; for the other, it was too

aristocratic.

The rest of the assembly consisted of the national party. As yet there

were not observed in it men who, like Robespierre, Petion, Buzot, etc.,

wished to begin a second revolution when the first was accomplished. At

this period the most extreme of this party were Duport, Barnave, and

Lameth, who formed a triumvirate, whose opinions were prepared by Duport,

sustained by Barnave, and managed by Alexander Lameth. There was something

remarkable and announcing the spirit of equality of the times, in this

intimate union of an advocate belonging to the middle classes, of a

counsellor belonging to the parliamentary class, and a colonel belonging

to the court, renouncing the interests of their order to unite in views of

the public good and popular happiness. This party at first took a more

advanced position than that which the revolution had attained. The 14th of

July had been the triumph of the middle class; the constituent assembly

was its legislature, the national guard its armed force, the mayoralty its

popular power. Mirabeau, Lafayette, Bailly, relied on this class; one was

its tribune, the other its general, and the third its magistrate. Duport,

Barnave, and Lameth's party were of the principles and sustained the

interests of that period of the revolution; but this party, composed of

young men of ardent patriotism, who entered on public affairs with

superior qualities, fine talents, and elevated positions, and who joined

to the love of liberty the ambition of playing a leading part, placed

itself from the first rather in advance of the revolution of July the

14th. Its fulcrum within the assembly was the members of the extreme left

without, in the clubs, in the nation, in the party of the people, who had

co-operated on the 14th of July, and who were unwilling that the

bourgeoisie alone should derive advantage from the victory. By putting

itself at the head of those who had no leaders, and who being a little out

of the government aspired to enter it, it did not cease to belong to this

first period of the revolution; only it formed a kind of democratic

opposition, even in the middle class itself, only differing from its

leaders on a few unimportant points, and voting with them on most

questions. It was, among these popular men, rather a patriotic emulation

than a party dissension.

Duport, who was strong-minded, and who had acquired premature experience

of the management of political passions, in the struggles which parliament

had sustained against the ministry, and which he had chiefly directed,

knew well that a people reposes the moment it has gained its rights, and

that it begins to grow weak as soon as it reposes. To keep in vigour those

who governed in the assembly, in the mayoralty, in the militia; to prevent

public activity from slackening, and not to disband the people, whose aid

he might one day require, he conceived and executed the famous

confederation of the clubs. This institution, like everything that gives a

great impulse to a nation, caused a great deal of good, and a great deal

of harm. It impeded legal authority, when this of itself was sufficient;

but it also gave an immense energy to the revolution, when, attacked on

all sides, it could only save itself by the most violent efforts. For the

rest, the founders of this association had not calculated all its

consequences. They regarded it simply as a wheel destined to keep or put

in movement the public machine, without danger, when it tended to abate or

to cease its activity; they did not think they were working for the

advantage of the multitude. After the flight of Varennes, this party had

become too exacting and too formidable; they forsook it, and supported

themselves against it with the mass of the assembly and the middle class,

whose direction was left vacant by the death of Mirabeau. At this period,

it was important to them speedily to fix the constitutional revolution;

for to protract it would have been to bring on the republican revolution.

The mass of the assembly, we have just mentioned, abounded in just,

experienced, and even superior minds. Its leaders were two men, strangers

to the third estate, and adopted by it. Without the abbe Sieyes, the

constituent assembly would probably have had less unity in its operation,

and without Mirabeau, less energy in its conduct.

Sieyes was one of those men who create sects in an age of enthusiasm, and

who exercise the ascendancy of a powerful reason in an enlightened era.

Solitude and philosophical studies had matured him at an early age. His

views were new, strong, and extensive, but somewhat too systematic.

Society had especially been the subject of his examination; he had watched

its progress, investigated its springs. The nature of government appeared

to him less a question of right than a question of epoch. His vast

intellect ranged the society of our days in its divisions, relations,

powers, and movement. Sieyes, though of cold temperament, had the ardour

which the pursuit of truth inspires, and the passion which its discovery

gives; he was accordingly absolute in his views, disdaining those of

others, because he considered them incomplete, and because, in his

opinion, half truth was error. Contradiction irritated him; he was not

communicative. Desirous of making himself thoroughly known, he could not

do so with every one. His disciples imparted his systems to others, which

surrounded him with a sort of mystery, and rendered him the object of a

species of reverence. He had the authority which complete political

science procures, and the constitution might have emerged from his head

completely armed, like the Minerva of Jupiter, or the legislation of the

ancients, were it not that in our days every one sought to be engaged in

the task, or to criticise it. Yet, with the exception of some

modifications, his plans were generally adopted, and he had in the

committees more disciples than colleagues.

Mirabeau obtained in the tribune the same ascendancy as Sieyes in the

committees. He was a man who only waited the occasion to become great. At

Rome, in the best days of the republic, he would have been a Gracchus; in

its decline, a Catiline; under the Fronde, a cardinal de Retz; and in the

decrepitude of a monarchy, when such a being could only find scope for his

immense faculties in agitation, he became remarkable for the vehemence of

his passions, and for their punishment, a life passed in committing

excesses, and suffering for them. This prodigious activity required

employment; the revolution provided it. Accustomed to the struggle against

despotism, irritated by the contempt of a nobility who were inferior to

him, and who excluded him from their body; clever, daring, eloquent,

Mirabeau felt that the revolution would be his work, and his life. He

exactly corresponded to the chief wants of his time. His thought, his

voice, his action, were those of a tribune. In perilous circumstances, his

was the earnestness which carries away an assembly; in difficult

discussions, the unanswerable sally which at once puts an end to them;

with a word he prostrated ambition, silenced enmities, disconcerted

rivalries. This powerful being, perfectly at his ease in the midst of

agitation, now giving himself up to the impetuosity, now to the

familiarities of conscious strength, exercised a sort of sovereignty in

the assembly. He soon obtained immense popularity, which he retained to

the last; and he whom, at his first entrance into the legislature, every

eye shunned, was, at his death, received into the Pantheon, amidst the

tears of the assembly; and of all France. Had it not been for the

revolution, Mirabeau would have failed in realizing his destiny, for it is

not enough to be great: one must live at the fitting period.

The duke of Orleans, to whom a party has been given, had but little

influence in the assembly; he voted with the majority, not the majority

with him. The personal attachment of some of its members, his name, the

fears of the court, the popularity his opinions enjoyed, hopes rather than

conspiracies had increased his reputation as a factious character. He had

neither the qualities nor the defects of a conspirator; he may have aided

with his money and his name popular movements, which would have taken

place just the same without him, and which had another object than his

elevation. It is still a common error to attribute the greatest of

revolutions to some petty private manoeuvring, as if at such an epoch a

whole people could be used as the instrument of one man.

The assembly had acquired the entire power; the corporations depended on

it; the national guards obeyed it. It was divided into committees to

facilitate its operations, and execute them. The royal power, though

existing of right, was in a measure suspended, since it was not obeyed,

and the assembly had to supply its action by its own. Thus, independently

of committees entrusted with the preparation of its measures, it had

appointed others to exercise a useful superintendence without. A committee

of supply occupied itself with provisions, an important object in a year

of scarcity; a committee of inquiry corresponded with the corporations and

provinces; a committee of researches received informations against the

conspirators of the 14th of July. But finance and the constitution, which

the past crises had adjourned, were the special subjects of attention.

After having momentarily provided for the necessities of the treasury, the

assembly, although now become sovereign, consulted, by examining the

_cahiers_, the wishes of its constituents. It then proceeded to form its

institutions with a method, a liberal and extensive spirit of discussion,

which was to procure for France a constitution conformable with justice

and suited to its necessities. The United States of America, at the time

of its independence, had set forth in a declaration the rights of man, and

those of the citizen. This will ever be the first step. A people rising

from slavery feels the necessity of proclaiming its rights, even before it

forms its government. Those Frenchmen who had assisted at the American

revolution, and who co-operated in ours, proposed a similar declaration as

a preamble to our laws. This was agreeable to an assembly of legislators

and philosophers, restricted by no limits, since no institutions existed,

and directed by primitive and fundamental ideas of society, since it was

the pupil of the eighteenth century. Though this declaration only

contained general principles, and confined itself to setting forth in

maxims what the constitution was to put into laws, it was calculated to

elevate the mind, and impart to the citizens a consciousness of their

dignity and importance. At Lafayette's suggestion, the assembly had before

commenced this discussion; but the events at Paris, and the decrees of the

4th of August, had interrupted its labours; they were now resumed, and

concluded, by determining the principles which were to form the table of

the new law, and which were the assumption of right in the name of

humanity.

These generalities being adopted, the assembly turned its attention to the

organization of the legislative power. This was one of its most important

objects; it was to fix the nature of its functions, and establish its

relations with the king. In this discussion the assembly had only to

decide the future condition of the legislative power. Invested as it was

with constituent authority, it was raised above its own decisions, and no

intermediate power could suspend or prevent its mission. But what should

be the form of the deliberative body in future sessions? Should it remain

indivisible, or be divided into two chambers? If the latter form should be

adopted, what should be the nature of the second chamber? Should it be

made an aristocratic assembly, or a moderative senate? And, whatever the

deliberative body might be, was it to be permanent or periodical, and

should the king share the legislative power with it? Such were the

difficulties that agitated the assembly and Paris during the month of

September.

If we consider the position of the assembly and its ideas of sovereignty,

we shall easily understand the manner in which these questions were

decided. It regarded the king merely as the hereditary agent of the

nation, having neither the right to assemble its representatives nor that

of directing or suspending them. Accordingly, it refused to grant him the

initiative in making laws and dissolving the assembly. It considered that

the legislative body ought not to be dependent on the king. It moreover

feared that by granting the government too strong an influence over the

assembly, or by not keeping the latter always together, the prince might

profit by the intervals in which he would be left alone, to encroach on

the other powers, and perhaps even to destroy the new system. Therefore to

an authority in constant activity, they wished to oppose an always

existing assembly, and the permanence of the assembly was accordingly

declared. The debate respecting its indivisibility, or its division, was

very animated. Necker, Mounier, and Lally-Tollendal desired, in addition

to a representative chamber, a senate, to be composed of members to be

appointed by the king on the nomination of the people. They considered

this as the only means of moderating the power, and even of preventing the

tyranny of a single assembly. They had as partisans such members as

participated in their ideas, or who hoped to form part of the upper

chamber. The majority of the nobility did not wish for a house of peers,

but for an aristocratic assembly, whose members it should elect. They

could not agree; Mounier's party refusing to fall in with a project

calculated to revive the orders, and the aristocracy refusing to accept a

senate, which would confirm the ruin of the nobility. The greater portion

of the deputies of the clergy and of the commons were in favour of the

unity of the assembly. The popular party considered it illegal to appoint

legislators for life; it thought that the upper chamber would become the

instrument of the court and aristocracy, and would then be dangerous, or

become useless by uniting with the commons. Thus the nobility, from

dissatisfaction, and the national party, from a spirit of absolute

justice, alike rejected the upper chamber.

This determination of the assembly has been the object of many reproaches.

The partisans of the peerage have attributed all the evils of the

revolution to the absence of that order; as if it had been possible for

anybody whatsoever to arrest its progress. It was not the constitution

which gave it the character it has had, but events arising from party

struggles. What would the upper chamber have done between the court and

the nation? If in favour of the first, it would have been unable to guide

or save it; if in favour of the second, it would not have strengthened it;

in either case, its suppression would have infallibly ensued. In such

times, progress is rapid, and all that seeks to check it is superfluous.

In England, the house of lords, although docile, was suspended during the

crisis. These various systems have each their epoch; revolutions are

achieved by one chamber, and end with two.

The royal sanction gave rise to great debates in the assembly, and violent

clamours without. The question was as to the part of the king in the

making of laws; the deputies were nearly all agreed on one point. They

were determined, in admitting his right to sanction or refuse laws; but

some desired that this right should be unlimited, others that it should be

temporary. This, in reality, amounted to the same thing, for it was not

possible for the king to prolong his refusal indefinitely, and the veto,

though absolute, would only have been suspensive. But this faculty,

bestowed on a single man, of checking the will of the people, appeared

exorbitant, especially out of the assembly, where it was less understood.

Paris had not yet recovered from the agitation of the 14th of July; the

popular government was but beginning, and the city experienced all its

liberty and disorder. The assembly of electors, who in difficult

circumstances had taken the place of a provisional corporation, had just

been replaced. A hundred and eighty members nominated by the districts,

constituted themselves legislators and representatives of the city. While

they were engaged on a plan of municipal organization, each desired to

command; for in France the love of liberty is almost the love of power.

The committees acted apart from the mayor; the assembly of representatives

arose against the committees, and the districts against the assembly of

representatives. Each of the sixty districts attributed to itself the

legislative power, and gave the executive power to its committees; they

all considered the members of the general assembly as their subordinates,

and themselves as invested with the right of annulling their decrees. This

idea of the sovereignty of the principal over the delegate made rapid

progress. Those who had no share in authority, formed assemblies, and then

gave themselves up to discussion; soldiers debated at the Oratoire,

journeymen tailors at the Colonnade, hairdressers in the Champs Elysees,

servants at the Louvre; but the most animated debates took place in the

Palais Royal. There were inquired into the questions that occupied the

national assembly, and its discussions criticised. The dearth of

provisions also brought crowds together, and these mobs were not the least

dangerous.

Such was the state of Paris when the debate concerning the veto was begun.

The alarm which this right conferred on the king excited, was extreme. It

seemed as though the fate of liberty depended on the decision of this

question, and that the veto alone would bring back the ancient system. The

multitude, ignorant of the nature and limits of power, wished the

assembly, on which it relied, to do all, and the king, whom it mistrusted,

to do nothing. Every instrument left at the disposal of the court appeared

the means of a counter-revolution. The crowds at the Palais Royal grew

turbulent; threatening letters were sent to those members of the assembly,

who, like Mounier, had declared in favour of the absolute veto. They spoke

of dismissing them as faithless representatives, and of marching upon

Versailles. The Palais Royal sent a deputation to the assembly, and

required the commune to declare that the deputies were revocable, and to

make them at all times dependent on the electors. The commune remained

firm, rejected the demands of the Palais Royal, and took measures to

prevent the riotous assemblies. The national guard supported it; this body

was well disposed; Lafayette had acquired its confidence; it was becoming

organised, it wore a uniform, submitted to discipline after the example of

the French guard, and learned from its chief the love of order and respect

for the law. But the middle class that composed it had not yet taken

exclusive possession of the popular government. The multitude which was

enrolled on the 14th of July, was not as yet entirely disbanded. This

agitation from without rendered the debates upon the veto stormy; in this

way a very simple question acquired great importance, and the ministry,

perceiving how fatal the influence of an absolute decision might prove,

and seeing, also, that the _unlimited veto_ and the _suspensive veto_ were

one and the same thing, induced the king to be satisfied with the latter,

and give up the former. The assembly declared that the refusal of his

sanction could not be prolonged by the prince beyond two sessions; and

this decision satisfied every one.

The court took advantage of the agitation in Paris to realise other

projects. For some time it had influenced the king's mind. At first, he

had refused to sanction the decrees of the 4th of August, although they

were constitutive, and consequently he could not avoid promulgating them.

After accepting them, on the remonstrances of the assembly, he renewed the

same difficulties relative to the declaration of rights. The object of the

court was to represent Louis XVI. as oppressed by the assembly, and

constrained to submit to measures which he was unwilling to accept; it

endured its situation with impatience and strove to regain its former

authority. Flight was the only means, and it was requisite to legitimate

it; nothing could be done in the presence of the assembly, and in the

neighbourhood of Paris. Royal authority had fallen on the 23rd of June,

military power on the 14th of July; there was no alternative but civil

war. As it was difficult to persuade the king to this course, they waited

till the last moment to induce him to flee; his hesitation caused the

failure of the plan. It was proposed to retire to Metz, to Bouille, in the

midst of his army; to call around the monarch the nobility, the troops who

continued faithful, the parliaments; to declare the assembly and Paris in

a state of rebellion; to invite them to obedience or to force them to it;

and if the ancient system could not be entirely re-established, at least

to confine themselves to the declaration of the 20th of June. On the other

hand, if the court had an interest in removing the king from Versailles,

that it might effect something, it was the interest of the partisans of

the revolution to bring him to Paris; the Orleans faction, if one existed,

had an interest in driving the king to flight, by intimidating him, in the

hope that the assembly would appoint its leader _lieutenant-general of the

kingdom_; and, lastly, the people, who were in want of bread, wished for

the king to reside at Paris, in the hope that his presence would diminish,

or put a stop to the dearth of provisions. All these causes existing, an

occasion was only wanting to bring about an insurrection; the court

furnished this occasion. On the pretext of protecting itself against the

movements in Paris, it summoned troops to Versailles, doubled the

household guards, and sent for the dragoons and the Flanders regiment. All

this preparation of troops gave rise to the liveliest fears; a report

spread of an anti-revolutionary measure, and the flight of the king, and

the dissolution of the assembly, were announced as at hand. Strange

uniforms, and yellow and black cockades, were to be seen at the

Luxembourg, the Palais Royal, and at the Champs Elysees; the foes of the

revolution displayed a degree of joy they had not manifested for some

time. The behaviour of the court confirmed these suspicions, and disclosed

the object of all these preparations.

The officers of the Flanders regiment, received with anxiety in the town

of Versailles, were feted at the chateau, and even admitted to the queen's

card tables. Endeavours were made to secure their devotion, and a banquet

was given to them by the king's guards. The officers of the dragoons and

the chasseurs, who were at Versailles, those of the Swiss guards, of the

hundred Swiss, of the prevote, and the staff of the national guard were

invited. The theatre in the chateau, which was reserved for the most

solemn fetes of the court, and which, since the marriage of the second

brother of the king, had only been used for the emperor Joseph II., was

selected for the scene of the festival. The king's musicians were ordered

to attend this, the first fete which the guards had given. During the

banquet, toasts to the king and royal family were drunk with enthusiasm,

while the nation was omitted or rejected. At the second course, the

grenadiers of Flanders, the two bodies of Swiss, and the dragoons were

admitted to witness the spectacle, and share the sentiments which animated

the guests. The enthusiasm increased every moment. Suddenly the king was

announced; he entered attired in a hunting dress, the queen leaning on his

arm, and carrying the dauphin. Shouts of affection and devotion arose on

every side. The health of the royal family was drunk, with swords drawn;

and when Louis XVI. withdrew, the music played, "_O Richard! O mon roi!

l'univers t'abandonne_." The scene now assumed a very significant

character; the march of the Hullans, and the profusion of wine, deprived

the guests of all reserve. The charge was sounded; tottering guests

climbed the boxes, as if mounting to an assault; while cockades were

distributed; the tri-coloured cockade, it is said, was trampled on, and

the guests then spread through the galleries of the chateau, where the

ladies of the court loaded them with congratulations, and decorated them

with ribbons and cockades.

Such was this famous banquet of the 1st of October, which the court was

imprudent enough to repeat on the third. One cannot help lamenting its

fatal want of foresight; it could neither submit to nor change its

destiny. This assembling of the troops, so far from preventing aggression

in Paris, provoked it; the banquet did not make the devotion of the

soldiers any more sure, while it augmented the ill disposition of the

people. To protect itself there was no necessity for so much ardour, nor

for flight was there needful so much preparation; but the court never took

the measure calculated to make its designs succeed, or else it only half

took it, and, in order to decide, it always waited until there was no

longer any time.

The news of this banquet, and the appearance of black cockades, produced

the greatest sensation in Paris. From the 4th, suppressed rumours,

counter-revolutionary provocations, the dread of conspiracies, indignation

against the court, and increasing alarm at the dearth of provisions, all

announced an insurrection; the multitude already looked towards

Versailles. On the 5th, the insurrection broke out in a violent and

invincible manner; the entire want of flour was the signal. A young girl,

entering a guardhouse, seized a drum, and rushed through the streets

beating it, and crying, "Bread! Bread!" She was soon surrounded by a crowd

of women. This mob advanced towards the Hotel de Ville, increasing as it

went. It forced the guard that stood at the door, and penetrated into the

interior, clamouring for bread and arms; it broke open doors, seized

weapons, sounded the tocsin, and marched towards Versailles. The people

soon rose _en masse_, uttering the same demand, till the cry, "To

Versailles!" rose on every side. The women started first, headed by

Maillard, one of the volunteers of the Bastille. The populace, the

national guard, and the French guards requested to follow them. The

commander, Lafayette, opposed their departure a long time, but in vain;

neither his efforts nor his popularity could overcome the obstinacy of the

people. For seven hours he harangued and retained them. At length,

impatient at this delay, rejecting his advice, they prepared to set

forward without him; when, feeling that it was now his duty to conduct as

it had previously been to restrain them, he obtained his authorization

from the corporation, and gave the word for departure about seven in the

evening.

The excitement at Versailles was less impetuous, but quite as real; the

national guard and the assembly were anxious and irritated. The double

banquet of the household troops, the approbation the queen had expressed,

_J'ai ete enchantee de la journee de Jeudi_--the king's refusal to accept

simply the Rights of Man, his concerted temporizings, and the want of

provisions, excited the alarm of the representatives of the people and

filled them with suspicion. Petion, having denounced the banquets of the

guards, was summoned by a royalist deputy to explain his denunciation, and

make known the guilty parties. "Let it be expressly declared," exclaimed

Mirabeau, "that whosoever is not king is a subject and responsible, and I

will speedily furnish proofs." These words, which pointed to the queen,

compelled the Right to be silent. This hostile discussion was preceded and

succeeded by debates equally animated, concerning the refusal of the

sanction, and the scarcity of provisions in Paris. At length, just as a

deputation was despatched to the king, to require his pure and simple

acceptance of the Rights of Man, and to adjure him to facilitate with all

his power the supplying Paris with provisions, the arrival of the women,

headed by Maillard, was announced.

Their unexpected appearance, for they had intercepted all the couriers who

might have announced it, excited the terrors of the court. The troops of

Versailles flew to arms and surrounded the chateau, but the intentions of

the women were not hostile. Maillard, their leader, had recommended them

to appear as suppliants, and in that attitude they presented their

complaints successively to the assembly and to the king. Accordingly, the

first hours of this turbulent evening were sufficiently calm. Yet it was

impossible but that causes of hostility should arise between an excited

mob and the household troops, the objects of so much irritation. The

latter were stationed in the court of the chateau opposite the national

guard and the Flanders regiment. The space between was filled by women and

volunteers of the Bastille. In the midst of the confusion, necessarily

arising from such a juxtaposition, a scuffle arose; this was the signal

for disorder and conflict. An officer of the guards struck a Parisian

soldier with his sabre, and was in turn shot in the arm. The national

guards sided against the household troops; the conflict became warm, and

would have been sanguinary, but for the darkness, the bad weather, and the

orders given to the household troops first to cease firing and then to

retire. But as these were accused of being the aggressors, the fury of the

multitude continued for some time; their quarters were broken into, two of

them were wounded, and another saved with difficulty.

During this tumult, the court was in consternation; the flight of the king

was suggested, and carriages prepared; a picket of the national guard saw

them at the gate of the Orangery, and, after closing the gate, compelled

them to go back; moreover, the king, either ignorant of the designs of the

court, or conceiving them impracticable, refused to escape. Fears were

mingled with his pacific intentions, when he hesitated to repel the

aggression or to take flight. Conquered, he apprehended the fate of

Charles I. of England; absent, he feared that the duke of Orleans would

obtain the lieutenancy of the kingdom. But, in the meantime, the rain,

fatigue, and the inaction of the household troops, lessened the fury of

the multitude, and Lafayette arrived at the head of the Parisian army.

His presence restored security to the court, and the replies of the king

to the deputation from Paris, satisfied the multitude and the army. In a

short time, Lafayette's activity, the good sense and discipline of the

Parisian guard, restored order everywhere. Tranquillity returned. The

crowd of women and volunteers, overcome by fatigue, gradually dispersed,

and some of the national guard were entrusted with the defence of the

chateau, while others were lodged with their companions in arms at

Versailles. The royal family, reassured after the anxiety and fear of this

painful night, retired to rest about two o'clock in the morning. Towards

five, Lafayette, having visited the outposts which had been confided to

his care, and finding the watch well kept, the town calm, and the crowds

dispersed or sleeping, also took a few moments repose.

About six, however, some men of the lower class, more enthusiastic than

the rest, and awake sooner than they, prowled round the chateau. Finding a

gate open, they informed their companions, and entered. Unfortunately, the

interior posts had been entrusted to the household guards, and refused to

the Parisian army. This fatal refusal caused all the misfortunes of the

night. The interior guard had not even been increased; the gates scarcely

visited, and the watch kept as negligently as on ordinary occasions. These

men, excited by all the passions that had brought them to Versailles,

perceiving one of the household troops at a window, began to insult him.

He fired, and wounded one of them. They then rushed on the household

troops who defended the chateau breast to breast, and sacrificed

themselves heroically. One of them had time to warn the queen, whom the

assailants particularly threatened; and half dressed, she ran for refuge

to the king. The tumult and danger were extreme in the chateau.

Lafayette, apprised of the invasion of the royal residence, mounted his

horse, and rode hastily to the scene of danger. On the square he met some

of the household troops surrounded by an infuriated mob, who were on the

point of killing them. He threw himself among them, called some French

guards who were near, and having rescued the household troops, and

dispersed their assailants, he hurried to the chateau. He found it already

secured by the grenadiers of the French guard, who, at the first noise of

the tumult, had hastened and protected the household troops from the fury

of the Parisians. But the scene was not over; the crowd assembled again in

the marble court under the king's balcony, loudly called for him, and he

appeared. They required his departure for Paris; he promised to repair

thither with his family, and this promise was received with general

applause. The queen was resolved to accompany him; but the prejudice

against her was so strong that the journey was not without danger; it was

necessary to reconcile her with the multitude. Lafayette proposed to her

to accompany him to the balcony; after some hesitation, she consented.

They appeared on it together, and to communicate by a sign with the

tumultuous crowd, to conquer its animosity, and awaken its enthusiasm,

Lafayette respectfully kissed the queen's hand; the crowd responded with

acclamations. It now remained to make peace between them and the household

troops. Lafayette advanced with one of these, placed his own tricoloured

cockade on his hat, and embraced him before the people, who shouted

"_Vivent les gardes-du-corps!_" Thus terminated this scene; the royal

family set out for Paris, escorted by the army, and its guards mixed with

it.

The insurrection of the 5th and 6th of October was an entirely popular

movement. We must not try to explain it by secret motives, nor attribute

it to concealed ambition; it was provoked by the imprudence of the court.

The banquet of the household troops, the reports of flight, the dread of

civil war, and the scarcity of provisions alone brought Paris upon

Versailles. If special instigators, which the most careful inquiries have

still left doubtful, contributed to produce this movement, they did not

change either its direction or its object. The result of this event was

the destruction of the ancient regime of the court; it deprived it of its

guard, it removed it from the royal residence at Versailles to the capital

of the revolution, and placed it under the surveillance of the people.

CHAPTER III

FROM THE 6TH OF OCTOBER, 1789, TO THE DEATH OF MIRABEAU, APRIL, 1791

The period which forms the subject of this chapter was less remarkable for

events than for the gradually decided separation of parties. In proportion

as changes were introduced into the state and the laws, those whose

interests or opinions they injured declared themselves against them. The

revolution had had as enemies, from the beginning of the states-general,

the court; from the union of orders and the abolition of privileges, the

nobility; from the establishment of a single assembly and the rejection of

the two chambers, the ministry and the partisans of the English form of

government. It had, moreover, against it since the departmental

organization, the provinces; since the decree respecting the property and

civil constitution of the clergy, the whole ecclesiastical body; since the

introduction of the new military laws, all the officers of the army. It

might seem that the assembly ought not to have effected so many changes at

once, so as to have avoided making so many enemies; but its general plans,

its necessities, and the very plots of its adversaries, required all these

innovations.

After the 5th and 6th of October, the assembly emigrated as the court had

done after the 14th of July. Mounier and Lally-Tollendal deserted it,

despairing of liberty from the moment their views ceased to be followed.

Too absolute in their plans, they wanted the people, after having

delivered the assembly on the 14th of July, suddenly to cease acting,

which was displaying an entire ignorance of the impetus of revolutions.

When the people have once been made use of, it is difficult to disband

them, and the most prudent course is not to contest, but to regulate

intervention. Lally-Tollendal renounced his title of Frenchman, and

returned to England, the land of his ancestors. Mounier repaired to

Dauphine, his native province, which he endeavoured to excite to a revolt

against the assembly. It was inconsistent to complain of an insurrection,

and yet to provoke one, especially when it was to the profit of another

party, for his was too weak to maintain itself against the ancient regime

and the revolution. Notwithstanding his influence in Dauphine, whose

former movements he had directed, Mounier was unable to establish there a

centre of permanent resistance, but the assembly was thereby warned to

destroy the ancient provincial organisation, which might become the frame-

work of a civil war.

After the 5th and 6th of October, the national representatives followed

the king to the capital, which their common presence had contributed

greatly to tranquillise. The people were satisfied with possessing the

king, the causes which had excited their ebullition had ceased. The duke

of Orleans, who, rightly or wrongly, was considered the contriver of the

insurrection, had just been sent away; he had accepted a mission to

England; Lafayette was resolved to maintain order; the national guard,

animated by a better spirit, acquired every day habits of discipline and

obedience; the corporation, getting over the confusion of its first

establishment, began to have authority. There remained but one cause of

disturbance--the scarcity of provisions. Notwithstanding the zeal and

foresight of the committee entrusted with the task of providing supplies,

daily assemblages of the people threatened the public tranquillity. The

people, so easily deceived when suffering, killed a baker called Francois,

who was unjustly accused as a monopolist. On the 21st of October a martial

law was proclaimed, authorizing the corporation to employ force to

disperse the mob, after having summoned the citizens to retire. Power was

vested in a class interested in maintaining order; the districts and the

national guard were obedient to the assembly. Submission to the law was

the prevailing passion of that epoch. The deputies on their side only

aspired at completing the constitution and effecting the re-organisation

of the state. They had the more reason for hastening their task, as the

enemies of the assembly made use of what remained of the ancient regime,

to occasion it embarrassment. Accordingly, it replied to each of their

endeavours by a decree, which, changing the ancient order of things,

deprived them of one of their means of attack.

It began by dividing the kingdom more equally and regularly. The

provinces, which had witnessed with regret the loss of their privileges,

formed small states, the extent of which was too vast, and the

administration too independent. It was essential to reduce their size,

change their names, and subject them to the same government. On the 22nd

of December, the assembly adopted in this respect the project conceived by

Sieyes, and presented by Thouret in the name of the committee, which

occupied itself constantly on this subject for two months.

France was divided into eighty-three departments, nearly equal in extent

and population; the departments were subdivided into districts and

cantons. Their administration received a uniform and hierarchical form.

The department had an administrative council composed of thirty-six

members, and an executive directory composed of five members: as the names

indicate, the functions of the one were to decide, and of the other to

act. The district was organised in the same way; although on a smaller

scale, it had a council and a directory, fewer in number, and subordinate

to the superior directory and council. The canton composed of five or six

parishes, was an electoral not an administrative division; the active

citizens, and to be considered such it was necessary to pay taxes

amounting to three days' earnings, united in the canton to nominate their

deputies and magistrates. Everything in the new plan was subject to

election, but this had several degrees. It appeared imprudent to confide

to the multitude the choice of its delegates, and illegal to exclude them

from it; this difficult question was avoided by the double election. The

active citizens of the canton named electors intrusted with nominating the

members of the national assembly, the administrators of the department,

those of the district, and the judges of tribunals; a criminal court was

established in each department, a civil court in each district, and a

police-court in each canton.

Such was the institution of the department. It remained to regulate that

of the corporation: the administration of this was confided to a general

council and a municipality, composed of members whose numbers were

proportioned to the population of the towns. The municipal officers were

named immediately by the people, and could alone authorize the employment

of the armed force. The corporation formed the first step of the

association, the kingdom formed the last; the department was intermediate

between the corporation and the state, between universal interests and

purely local interests.

The execution of this plan, which organized the sovereignty of the people,

which enabled all citizens to concur in the election of their magistrates,

and entrusted them with their own administration, and distributed them

into a machinery which, by permitting the whole state to move, preserved a

correspondence between its parts, and prevented their isolation, excited

the discontent of some provinces. The states of Languedoc and Brittany

protested against the new division of the kingdom, and on their side the

parliaments of Metz, Rouen, Bordeaux, and Toulouse rose against the

operations of the assembly which suppressed the Chambres de Vacations,

abolished the orders, and declared the commissions of the states

incompetent. The partisans of the ancient regime employed every means to

disturb its progress; the nobility excited the provinces, the parliaments

took resolutions, the clergy issued mandates, and writers took advantage

of the liberty of the press to attack the revolution. Its two principal

enemies were the nobles and the bishops. Parliament, having no root in the

nation, only formed a magistracy, whose attacks were prevented by

destroying the magistracy itself, whereas the nobility and the clergy had

means of action which survived the influence of the body. The misfortunes

of these two classes were caused by themselves. After harassing the

revolution in the assembly, they afterwards attacked it with open force--

the clergy, by internal insurrections--the nobility, by arming Europe

against it. They had great expectations from anarchy, which, it is true,

caused France many evils, but which was far from rendering their own

position better. Let us now see how the hostilities of the clergy were

brought on; for this purpose we must go back a little.

The revolution had commenced with the finances, and had not yet been able

to put an end to the embarrassments by which it was caused. More important

objects had occupied the attention of the assembly. Summoned, no longer to

defray the expenses of administration, but to constitute the state, it had

suspended its legislative discussions, from time to time, in order to

satisfy the more pressing necessities of the treasury. Necker had proposed

provisional means, which had been adopted in confidence, and almost

without discussion. Despite this zeal, he did not without displeasure see

the finances considered as subordinate to the constitution, and the

ministry to the assembly. A first loan of thirty millions (1,200,000l.),

voted the 9th of August, had not succeeded; a subsequent loan of eighty

millions (3,200,000l.), voted the 27th of the same month, had been

insufficient. Duties were reduced or abolished, and they yielded scarcely

anything, owing to the difficulty of collecting them. It became useless to

have recourse to public confidence, which refused its aid; and in

September, Necker had proposed, as the only means, an extraordinary

contribution of a fourth of the revenue, to be paid at once. Each citizen

was to fix his proportion himself, making use of that simple form of oath,

which well expressed these first days of honour and patriotism:--"_I

declare with truth._"

Mirabeau now caused Necker to be invested with a complete financial

dictatorship. He spoke of the urgent wants of the state, of the labours of

the assembly which did not permit it to discuss the plan of the minister,

and which at the same time prevented its examining any other; of Necker's

skill, which ensured the success of his own measure; and urged the

assembly to leave with him the responsibility of its success, by

confidently adopting it. As some did not approve of the views of the

minister, and others suspected the intentions of Mirabeau with respect to

him, he closed his speech, one of the most eloquent he ever delivered, by

displaying bankruptcy impending, and exclaiming, "Vote this extraordinary

subsidy, and may it prove sufficient! Vote it; for if you have doubts

respecting the means, you have none respecting the want, and our inability

to supply it. Vote it, for the public circumstances will not bear delay,

and we shall be accountable for all postponement. Beware of asking for

time; misfortune never grants it. Gentlemen, on the occasion of a

ridiculous motion at the Palais Royal, an absurd incursion, which had

never had any importance, save in feeble imaginations, or the minds of men

of ill designs and bad faith, you once heard these words, '_Catiline is at

the gates of Rome, and yet they deliberate!_' And yet there were around us

neither Catiline, nor perils, nor factions, nor Rome. But now bankruptcy,

hideous bankruptcy, is there; it threatens to consume you, your

properties, your honour, and yet you deliberate!" Mirabeau had carried

away the assembly by his oratory; and the patriotic contribution was voted

with unanimous applause.

But this resource had only afforded momentary relief. The finances of the

revolution depended on a more daring and more vast measure. It was

necessary not only to support the revolution, but to repair the immense

deficit which stopped its progress, and threatened its future destiny. One

way alone remained--to declare ecclesiastical property national, and to

sell it for the rescue of the state. Public interest prescribed this

course; and it could be done with justice, the clergy not being the

proprietors, but the simple administrators of this property, devoted to

religion, and not to the priests. The nation, therefore, by taking on

itself the expenses of the altar, and the support of its ministers might

procure and appropriate an important financial resource, and obtain a

great political result.

It was important not to leave an independent body, and especially an

ancient body, any longer in the state; for in a time of revolution

everything ancient is hostile. The clergy, by its formidable hierarchy and

its opulence, a stranger to the new changes, would have remained as a

republic in the kingdom. Its form belonged to another system: when there

was no state, but only bodies, each order had provided for its own

regulation and existence. The clergy had its decretals, the nobility its

law of fiefs, the people its corporations; everything was independent,

because everything was private. But now that functions were becoming

public, it was necessary to make a magistracy of the priesthood as they

had made one of royalty; and, in order to make them dependent on the

state, it was essential they should be paid by it, and to resume from the

monarch his domains, from the clergy its property, by bestowing on each of

them suitable endowments. This great operation, which destroyed the

ancient ecclesiastical regime, was effected in the following manner:

One of the most pressing necessities was the abolition of tithes. As these

were a tax paid by the rural population to the clergy, the sacrifice would

be for the advantage of those who were oppressed by them. Accordingly,

after declaring they were redeemable, on the night of the 4th of August,

they were suppressed on the 11th, without providing any equivalent. The

clergy opposed the measure at first, but afterwards had the good sense to

consent. The archbishop of Paris gave up tithes in the name of all his

brethren, and by this act of prudence he showed himself faithful to the

line of conduct adopted by the privileged classes on the night of the 4th

of August; but this was the extent of his sacrifices.

A short time after, the debate respecting the possession of ecclesiastical

property began. Talleyrand, bishop of Autun, proposed to the clergy that

they should renounce it in favour of the nation, which would employ it in

defraying the expenses of worship, and liquidating its debt. He proved the

justice and propriety of this measure; and he showed the great advantages

which would accrue to the state. The property of the clergy amounted to

several thousand millions of francs. After paying its debts, providing for

the ecclesiastical services and that of hospitals, and the endowment of

its ministers, sufficient would still remain to extinguish the public

debt, whether permanent or annuities, and to reimburse the money paid for

judicial offices. The clergy rose against this proposition. The discussion

became very animated; and it was decided, in spite of their resistance,

that they were not proprietors, but simple depositaries of the wealth that

the piety of kings and of the faithful had devoted to religion, and that

the nation, on providing for the service of public worship, had a right to

recall such property. The decree which placed it at its disposal was

passed on the 2nd of December, 1789.

From that moment the hatred of the clergy to the revolution broke out. At

the commencement of the states-general it had been less intractable than

the nobility, in order to preserve its riches; it now showed itself as

opposed as they to the new regime, of which it became the most tenacious

and furious foe. Yet, as the decree placed ecclesiastical property at the

disposal of the nation, without, as yet, displacing it, it did not break

out into opposition at once. The administration was still confided to it,

and it hoped that the possessions of the church might serve as a mortgage

for the debt, but would not be sold.

It was, indeed, difficult to effect the sale, which, however, could not be

delayed, the treasury only subsisting on anticipations, and the exchequer,

which supplied it with bills, beginning to lose all credit on account of

the number it had issued.

They obtained their end, and proceeded with the new financial organisation

in the following manner: The necessities of this and the following year

required a sale of this property to the amount of four hundred millions of

francs; to facilitate it, the corporation of Paris made considerable

subscriptions, and the municipalities of the kingdom followed the example

of Paris. They were to return to the treasury the equivalent of the

property they received from the state to sell to private individuals; but

they wanted money, and they could not deliver the amount since they had

not yet met with purchasers. What was to be done? They supplied municipal

notes intended to reimburse the public creditors, until they should

acquire the funds necessary for withdrawing the notes. Once arrived thus

far, they saw that, instead of municipal notes, it would be better to

create exchequer bills, which would have a compulsory circulation, and

answer the purpose of specie: this was simplifying the operation by

generalising it. In this way the assignats had their origin.

This invention was of great utility to the revolution, and alone secured

the sale of ecclesiastical property. The assignats, which were a means of

payment for the state, became a pledge to the creditors. The latter by

receiving them were not obliged to accept payment in land for what they

had furnished in money. But sooner or later the assignats would fall into

the hands of men disposed to realise them, and then they were to be

destroyed at the same time that they ceased to be a pledge. In order that

they might fulfil their design, their forced circulation was required; to

render them safe, the quantity was limited to the value of the property

proposed for sale; and that they might not fall by too sudden a change,

they were made to bear interest. The assembly, from the moment of their

issue, wished to give them all the consistency of money. It was hoped that

specie concealed by distrust would immediately re-appear, and that the

assignats would enter into competition with it. Mortgage made them quite

as sure, and interest made them more profitable; but this interest, which

was attended with much inconvenience, disappeared after the first issue.

Such was the origin of the paper money issued under so much necessity, and

with so much prudence, which enabled the revolution to accomplish such

great things, and which was brought into discredit by causes that belonged

less to its nature than to the subsequent use made of it.

When the clergy saw by a decree of the 29th of December the administration

of church property transferred to the municipalities, the sale they were

about to make of it to the value of four hundred millions of francs, and

the creation of a paper money calculated to facilitate this spoliation,

and render it definitive, it left nothing undone to secure the

intervention of God in the cause of its wealth. It made a last attempt: it

offered to realize in its own name the loan of four hundred millions of

francs, which was rejected, because otherwise, after having decided that

it was not the proprietor of church property, it would thus have again

been admitted to be so. It then sought every means of impeding the

operations of the municipalities. In the south, it raised catholics

against protestants; in the pulpit, it alarmed consciences; in the

confessional, it treated sales as sacrilegious, and in the tribune it

strove to render the sentiments of the assembly suspected. It excited as

much as possible religious questions for the purpose of compromising the

assembly, and confounding the cause of its own interest with that of

religion. The abuses and inutility of monastic vows were at this period

admitted by every one, even by the clergy. At their abolition on the 13th

of February, 1790, the bishop of Nancy proposed incidentally and

perfidiously that the catholic religion alone should have a public

worship. The assembly were indignant at the motives that suggested such a

proposition, and it was abandoned. But the same motion was again brought

forward in another sitting, and after stormy debates the assembly declared

that from respect to the Supreme Being and the catholic religion, the only

one supported at the expense of the state, it conceived it ought not to

decide upon the question submitted to it.

Such was the disposition of the clergy, when, in the months of June and

July, 1790, the assembly turned its attention to its internal

organization. The clergy waited with impatience for this opportunity of

exciting a schism. This project, the adoption of which caused so much

evil, went to re-establish the church on its ancient basis, and to restore

the purity of its doctrine; it was not the work of philosophers, but of

austere Christians, who wished to support religion by the state, and to

make them concur mutually in promoting its happiness. The reduction of

bishoprics to the same number as the departments, the conformity of the

ecclesiastical circumscription with the civil circumscription, the

nomination of bishops by electors, who also chose deputies and

administrators, the suppression of chapters, and the substitution of

vicars for canons, were the chief features of this plan; there was nothing

in it that attacked the dogmas or worship of the church. For a long time

the bishops and other ecclesiastics had been nominated by the people; as

for diocesan limits, the operation was purely material, and in no respect

religious. It moreover generously provided for the support of the members

of the church, and if the high dignitaries saw their revenues reduced, the

cures, who formed the most numerous portion, had theirs augmented.

But a pretext was wanting, and the civil constitution of the clergy was

eagerly seized upon. From the outset of the discussion, the archbishop of

Aix protested against the principles of the ecclesiastical committee. In

his opinion, the appointment or suspension of bishops by civil authority

was opposed to discipline; and when the decree was put to the vote, the

bishop of Clermont recapitulated the principles advanced by the archbishop

of Aix, and left the hall at the head of all the dissentient members. The

decree passed, but the clergy declared war against the revolution. From

that moment it leagued more closely with the dissentient nobility. Equally

reduced to the common condition, the two privileged classes employed all

their means to stop the progress of reform.

The departments were scarcely formed when agents were sent by them to

assemble the electors, and try new nominations. They did not hope to

obtain a favourable choice, but aimed at fomenting divisions between the

assembly and the departments. This project was denounced from the tribune,

and failed as soon as it was made known. Its authors then went to work in

another way. The period allotted to the deputies of the states-general had

expired, their power having been limited to one year, according to the

desire of the districts. The aristocrats availed themselves of this

circumstance to require a fresh election of the assembly. Had they gained

this point, they would have acquired a great advantage, and with this view

they themselves appealed to the sovereignty of the people. "Without

doubt," replied Chapelier, "all sovereignty rests with the people; but

this principle has no application to the present case; it would be

destroying the constitution and liberty to renew the assembly before the

constitution is completed. This is, indeed, the hope of those who wish to

see liberty and the constitution perish, and to witness the return of the

distinction of orders, of prodigality in the public expenditure, and of

the abuses that spring from despotism." At this moment all eyes were

turned to the Right, and rested on the abbe Maury. "_Send those people to

the Chatelet,_" cried the latter, sharply; "_or if you do not know them,

do not speak of them._" "The constitution," continued Chapelier, "can only

be made by one assembly. Besides, the former electors no longer exist; the

bailiwicks are absorbed in the departments, the orders are no longer

separate. The clause respecting the limitation of power is consequently

without value; it will therefore be contrary to the constitution, if the

deputies do not retain their seats in this assembly; their oath commands

them to continue there, and public interest requires it."

"You entangle us in sophisms," replied the abbe Maury; "how long have we

been a national convention? You talk of the oath we took on the 20th of

June, without considering that it cannot weaken that which we made to our

constituents. Besides, gentlemen, the constitution is completed; you have,

only now to declare that the king enjoys the plenitude of the executive

power. We are here for the sole purpose of securing to the French nation

the right of influencing its legislation, of establishing the principle

that taxation shall be consented to by the people, and of securing our

liberty. Yes, the constitution is made; and I will oppose every decree

calculated to limit the rights of the people over their representatives.

The founders of liberty ought to respect the liberty of the nation; the

nation is above us all, and we destroy our authority by limiting the

national authority."

The abbe Maury's speech was received with loud applause from the Right.

Mirabeau immediately ascended the tribune. "It is asked," said he, "how

long the deputies of the people have been a national convention? I answer,

from the day when, finding the door of their session-house surrounded by

soldiers, they went and assembled where they could, and swore to perish

rather than betray or abandon the rights of the nation. Whatever our

powers were, that day their nature was changed; and whatever powers we may

have exercised, our efforts and labours have rendered them legitimate, and

the adhesion of the nation has sanctified them. You all remember the

saying of the great man of antiquity, who had neglected legal forms to

save his country. Summoned by a factious tribune to declare whether he had

observed the laws, he replied, 'I swear I have saved my country!'

Gentlemen," he exclaimed, turning to the deputies of the commons, "I swear

that you have saved France!"

The assembly then rose by a spontaneous movement, and declared that the

session should not close till their task was accomplished.

Anti-revolutionary efforts were increasing, at the same time, without the

assembly. Attempts were made to seduce or disorganize the army, but the

assembly took prudent measures in this respect. It gained the affections

of the troops by rendering promotion independent of the court, and of

titles of nobility. The count d'Artois and the prince de Conde, who had

retired to Turin after the 14th of July, corresponded with Lyons and the

south; but the emigrants not having yet the external influence they

afterwards acquired at Coblentz, and failing to meet with internal

support, all their efforts were vain. The attempts at insurrection,

originating with the clergy in Languedoc, had as little effect. They

brought on some transient disturbances, but did not effect a religious

war. Time is necessary to form a party; still more is required to induce

it to decide on serious hostilities. A more practicable design was that of

carrying off the king and conveying him to Peronne. The marquis de Favras,

with the support of _Monsieur_, the king's brother, was preparing to

execute it, when it was discovered. The Chatelet condemned to death this

intrepid adventurer, who had failed in his enterprise, through undertaking

it with too much display. The king's flight, after the events of October,

could only be effected furtively, as it subsequently happened at Varennes.

The position of the court was equivocal and embarrassing. It encouraged

every anti-revolutionary enterprise and avowed none; it felt more than

ever its weakness and dependence on the assembly; and while desirous of

throwing off the yoke, feared to make the attempt because success appeared

difficult. Accordingly, it excited opposition without openly co-operating

in it; with some it dreamed of the restoration of the ancient regime, with

others it only aimed at modifying the revolution. Mirabeau had been

recently in treaty with it. After having been one of the chief authors of

reform, he sought to give it stability by enchaining faction. His object

was to convert the court to the revolution, not to give up the revolution

to the court. The support he offered was constitutional; he could not

offer any other; for his power depended on his popularity, and his

popularity on his principles. But he was wrong in suffering it to be

bought. Had not his immense necessities obliged him to accept money and

sell his counsels, he would not have been more blameable than the

unalterable Lafayette, the Lameths and the Girondins, who successively

negotiated with it. But none of them gained the confidence of the court;

it only had recourse to them in extremity. By their means it endeavoured

to suspend the revolution, while by the means of the aristocracy it tried

to destroy it. Of all the popular leaders, Mirabeau had perhaps the

greatest ascendancy over the court, because he was the most winning, and

had the strongest mind.

The assembly worked unceasingly at the constitution, in the midst of these

intrigues and plots. It decreed the new judicial organization of France.

All the new magistracies were temporary. Under the absolute monarchy, all

powers emanated from the throne, and all functionaries were appointed by

the king; under the constitutional monarchy, all powers emanating from the

people, the functionaries were to be appointed by it. The throne alone was

transmissible; the other powers being the property neither of a man nor of

a family, were neither of life-tenure, nor hereditary. The legislation of

that period depended on one sole principle, the sovereignty of the nation.

The judicial functions had themselves that changeable character. Trial by

jury, a democratic institution formerly common to nearly all the

continent, but which in England alone had survived the encroachments of

feudalism and the throne, was introduced into criminal causes. For civil

causes special judges were nominated. Fixed courts were established, two

courts of appeal to prevent error, and a _cour de cassation_ intended to

secure the preservation of the protecting forms of the law. This

formidable power, when it proceeds from the throne, can only be

independent by being fixed; but it must be temporary when it proceeds from

the people; because, while depending on all, it depends upon no one.

In another matter, quite as important, the right of making peace or war,

the assembly decided a new and delicate question, and this in a sure,

just, and prompt manner, after one of the most luminous and eloquent

discussions that ever distinguished its sittings. As peace and war

belonged more to action than to will, it confided, contrary to the usual

rule, the initiative to the king. He who was best able to judge of its

fitness was to propose the question, but it was left to the legislative

body to decide it.

The popular torrent, after having burst forth against the ancient regime,

gradually subsided into its bed; new dykes restrained it on all sides. The

government of the revolution was rapidly becoming established. The

assembly had given to the new regime its monarch, its national

representation, its territorial division, its armed force, its municipal

and administrative power, its popular tribunals, its currency, its clergy;

it had made an arrangement with respect to its debt, and it had found

means to reconstruct property without injustice.

The 14th of July approached: that day was regarded by the nation as the

anniversary of its deliverance, and preparations were made to celebrate it

with a solemnity calculated to elevate the souls of the citizens, and to

strengthen the common bonds of union. A confederation of the whole kingdom

was appointed to take place in the Champ de Mars; and there, in the open

air, the deputies sent by the eighty-three departments, the national

representatives, the Parisian guard, and the monarch, were to take the

oath to the constitution. By way of prelude to this patriotic fete, the

popular members of the nobility proposed the abolition of titles; and the

assembly witnessed another sitting similar to that of the 4th of August.

Titles, armorial bearings, liveries, and orders of knighthood, were

abolished on the 20th of June, and vanity, as power had previously done,

lost its privileges.

This sitting established equality everywhere, and made things agree with

words, by destroying all the pompous paraphernalia of other times.

Formerly titles had designated functions; armorial bearings had

distinguished powerful families; liveries had been worn by whole armies of

vassals; orders of knighthood had defended the state against foreign foes,

Europe against Islamism; but now, nothing of this remained. Titles had

lost their truth and their fitness; nobility, after ceasing to be a

magistracy, had even ceased to be an ornament; and power, like glory, was

henceforth to spring from plebeian ranks. But whether the aristocracy set

more value on their titles than on their privileges, or whether they only

awaited a pretext for openly declaring themselves, this last measure, more

than any other, decided the emigration and its attacks. It was for the

nobility what the civil constitution had been for the clergy, an occasion,

rather than a cause of hostility.

The 14th of July arrived, and the revolution witnessed few such glorious

days--the weather only did not correspond with this magnificent fete. The

deputies of all the departments were presented to the king, who received

them with much affability; and he, on his part, met also with the most

touching testimonies of love, but as a constitutional king. "Sire," said

the leader of the Breton deputation, kneeling on one knee, and presenting

his sword, "I place in your hands the faithful sword of the brave Bretons:

it shall only be reddened by the blood of your foes." Louis XVI. raised

and embraced him, and returned the sword. "It cannot be in better hands

than in those of my brave Bretons," he replied; "I have never doubted

their loyalty and affection; assure them that I am the father and brother,

the friend of all Frenchmen." "Sire," returned the deputy, "every

Frenchman loves, and will continue to love you, because you are a citizen-

king."

The confederation was to take place in the Champ de Mars. The immense

preparations were scarcely completed in time; all Paris had been engaged

for several weeks in getting the arrangements ready by the 14th. At seven

in the morning, the procession of electors, of the representatives of the

corporation, of the presidents of districts, of the national assembly, of

the Parisian guard, of the deputies of the army, and of the federates of

the departments, set out in complete order from the site of the Bastille.

The presence of all these national corps, the floating banners, the

patriotic inscriptions, the varied costumes, the sounds of music, the joy

of the crowd, rendered the procession a most imposing one. It traversed

the city, and crossed the Seine, amidst a volley of artillery, over a

bridge of boats, which had been thrown across it the preceding day. It

entered the Champ de Mars under a triumphal arch, adorned with patriotic

inscriptions. Each body took the station assigned it in excellent order,

and amidst shouts of applause.

The vast space of the Champ de Mars was inclosed by raised seats of turf,

occupied by four hundred thousand spectators. An antique altar was erected

in the middle; and around it, on a vast amphitheatre, were the king, his

family, the assembly, and the corporation. The federates of the

departments were ranged in order under their banners; the deputies of the

army and the national guards were in their ranks, and under their ensigns.

The bishop of Autun ascended the altar in pontifical robes; four hundred

priests in white copes, and decorated with flowing tricoloured sashes,

were posted at the four corners of the altar. Mass was celebrated amid the

sounds of military music; and then the bishop of Autun blessed the

oriflamme, and the eighty-three banners.

A profound silence now reigned in the vast inclosure, and Lafayette,

appointed that day to the command in chief of all the national guards of

the kingdom, advanced first to take the civic oath. Borne on the arms of

grenadiers to the altar of the country, amidst the acclamations of the

people, he exclaimed with a loud voice, in his own name, and that of the

federates and troops: "We swear eternal fidelity to the nation, the law,

and the king; to maintain to the utmost of our power the constitution

decreed by the national assembly, and accepted by the king; and to remain

united with every Frenchman by the indissoluble ties of fraternity."

Forthwith the firing of cannon, prolonged cries of "Vive la nation!" "Vive

le roi!" and sounds of music, mingled in the air. The president of the

national assembly took the same oath, and all the deputies repeated it

with one voice. Then Louis XVI. rose and said: "I, king of the French,

swear to employ all the power delegated to me by the constitutional act of

the state, in maintaining the constitution decreed by the national

assembly and accepted by me." The queen, carried away by the enthusiasm of

the moment, rose, lifted up the dauphin in her arms, and showing him to

the people, exclaimed: "Behold my son, he unites with me in the same

sentiments." At that moment the banners were lowered, the acclamations of

the people were heard, and the subjects believed in the sincerity of the

monarch, the monarch in the affection of the subjects, and this happy day

closed with a hymn of thanksgiving.

The fetes of the confederation were protracted for some days.

Illuminations, balls, and sports were given by the city of Paris to the

deputies of the departments. A ball took place on the spot where had

stood, a year before, the Bastille; gratings, fetters, ruins, were

observed here and there, and on the door was the inscription, "_Ici on

danse_," a striking contrast with the ancient destination of the spot. A

contemporary observes: "They danced indeed with joy and security on the

ground where so many tears had been shed; where courage, genius, and

innocence had so often groaned; where so often the cries of despair had

been stifled." A medal was struck to commemorate the confederation; and at

the termination of the fetes the deputies returned to their departments.

The confederation only suspended the hostility of parties. Petty intrigues

were resumed in the assembly as well as out of doors. The duke of Orleans

had returned from his mission, or, more strictly speaking, from his exile.

The inquiry respecting the events of the 5th and 6th of October, of which

he and Mirabeau were accused as the authors, had been conducted by the

Chatelets inquiry, which had been suspended, was now resumed. By this

attack the court again displayed its want of foresight; for it ought to

have proved the accusation or not to have made it. The assembly having

decided on giving up the guilty parties, had it found any such, declared

there was no ground for proceeding; and Mirabeau, after an overwhelming

outburst against the whole affair, obliged the Right to be silent, and

thus arose triumphantly from an accusation which had been made expressly

to intimidate him.

They attacked not only a few deputies but the assembly itself. The court

intrigued against it, but the Right drove this to exaggeration. "We like

its decrees," said the abbe Maury; "we want three or four more of them."

Hired libellists sold, at its very doors, papers calculated to deprive it

of the respect of the people; the ministers blamed and obstructed its

progress. Necker, still haunted by the recollection of his former

ascendancy, addressed to it memorials, in which he opposed its decrees and

gave it advice. This minister could not accustom himself to a secondary

part: he would not fall in with the abrupt plans of the assembly, so

entirely opposed to his ideas of gradual reform. At length, convinced or

weary of the inutility of his efforts, he left Paris, after resigning, on

the 4th of September, 1790, and obscurely traversed those provinces which

a year before he had gone through in triumph. In revolutions, men are

easily forgotten, for the nation sees many in its varied course. If we

would not find them ungrateful, we must not cease for an instant to serve

according to their own desire.

On the other hand, the nobility which had found a new subject of

discontent in the abolition of titles, continued its anti-revolutionary

efforts. As it did not succeed in exciting the people, who, from their

position, found the recent changes very beneficial, it had recourse to

means which it considered more certain; it quitted the kingdom, with the

intention of returning thither with all Europe as its armed ally; but

while waiting till a system of emigration could be organised, while

waiting for the appearance of foreign foes to the revolution, it continued

to arouse enemies to it in the interior of the kingdom. The troops, as we

have before observed, had already for some time been tampered with in

various ways. The new military code was favourable to the soldiers;

promotion formerly granted to the nobility was now granted to seniority.

Most of the officers were attached to the ancient regime, nor did they

conceal the fact. Compelled to take what had become the common oath, the

oath of fidelity to the nation, the law, and the king, some left the army,

and increased the number of emigrants, while others endeavoured to win the

soldiers over to their party.

General Bouille was of this number. After having long refused to take the

civic oath, he did so at last with this intention. He had a numerous body

of troops under his command near the northern frontier; he was clever,

resolute, attached to the king, opposed to the revolution, such as it had

then become, though the friend of reform; a circumstance that afterwards

brought him into suspicion at Coblentz. He kept his army isolated from the

citizens, that it might remain faithful, and that it might not be infected

with the spirit of insubordination which they communicated to the troops.

By skilful management, and the ascendancy of a great mind, he also

succeeded in retaining the confidence and attachment of his soldiers. It

was not thus elsewhere. The officers were the objects of a general

dislike; they were accused of diminishing the pay, and having no concern

for the great body of the troops. The prevailing opinions had also

something to do with this dissatisfaction. These combined causes led to

revolts among the men; that of Nancy, in August, 1790, produced great

alarm, and became almost the signal of a civil war. Three regiments, those

of Chateauvieux, Maitre-de-camp, and the King's own, rebelled against

their chiefs. Bouille was ordered to march against them; he did so at the

head of the garrison and national guard of Metz. After an animated

skirmish, he subdued them. The assembly congratulated him; but Paris,

which saw in Bouille a conspirator, was thrown into fresh agitation at

this intelligence. Crowds collected, and the impeachment of the ministers

who had given orders to Bouille to march upon Nancy was clamorously

demanded. Lafayette, however, succeeded in allaying this ebullition,

supported by the assembly, which, finding itself placed between a counter-

revolution and anarchy, opposed both with equal wisdom and courage.

The aristocracy triumphed at the sight of the difficulties which perplexed

the assembly. They imagined that it would be compelled to be dependent on

the multitude, or deprive itself entirely of its support; and in either

case the return to the ancient regime appeared to them short and easy. The

clergy had its share in this work. The sale of church property, which it

took every means to impede, was effected at a higher price than that

fixed. The people, delivered from tithes and reassured as to the national

debt, were far from listening to the angry suggestions of the priests;

they accordingly made use of the civil constitution of the clergy to

excite a schism. We have seen that this decree of the assembly did not

affect either the discipline or the creed of the church. The king

sanctioned it on the 26th of December; but the bishops, who sought to

cover their interests with the mantle of religion, declared that it

encroached on the spiritual authority. The pope, consulted as to this

purely political measure, refused his assent to it, which the king

earnestly sought, and encouraged the opposition of the priests. The latter

decided that they would not concur in the establishment of the civil

constitution; that those of them who might be suppressed would protest

against this uncanonical act, that every bishopric created without the

concurrence of the pope should be null, and that the metropolitans should

refuse institution to bishops appointed according to civil forms.

The assembly strengthened this league by attempting to frustrate it. If,

contrary to their real desire, it had left the dissentient priests to

themselves, they would not have found the elements of a religious war. But

the assembly decreed that the ecclesiastics should swear fidelity to the

nation, the law, and the king, and to maintain the civil constitution of

the clergy. Refusal to take this oath was to be attended by the

substitution of others in their bishoprics and cures. The assembly hoped

that the higher clergy from interest, and the lower clergy from ambition,

would adopt this measure.

The bishops, on the contrary, thought that all the ecclesiastics would

follow their example, and that by refusing to swear, they would leave the

state without public worship, and the people without priests. The result

satisfied the expectations of neither party; the majority of the bishops

and cures of the assembly refused to take the oath, but a few bishops and

many cures took it. The dissentient incumbents were deprived, and the

electors nominated successors to them, who received canonical institution

from the bishops of Autun and Lida. But the deprived ecclesiastics refused

to abandon their functions, and declared their successors intruders, the

sacraments administred by them null, and all Christians who should venture

to recognise them excommunicated. They did not leave their dioceses; they

issued charges, and excited the people to disobey the laws; and thus an

affair of private interest became first a matter of religion and then a

matter of party. There were two bodies of clergy, one constitutional, the

other refractory; they had each its partisans, and treated each other as

rebels and heretics. According to passion or interest, religion became an

instrument or an obstacle; and while the priests made fanatics the

revolution made infidels. The people, not yet infected with this malady of

the upper classes, lost, especially in towns, the faith of their fathers,

from the imprudence of those who placed them between the revolution and

their religion. "The bishops," said the marquis de Ferrieres, who will not

be suspected, "refused to fall in with any arrangements, and by their

guilty intrigues closed every approach to reconciliation; sacrificing the

catholic religion to an insane obstinacy, and a discreditable attachment

to their wealth."

Every party sought to gain the people; it was courted as sovereign. After

attempting to influence it by religion, another means was employed, that

of the clubs. At that period, clubs were private assemblies, in which the

measures of government, the business of the state, and the decrees of the

assembly were discussed; their deliberations had no authority, but they

exercised a certain influence. The first club owed its origin to the

Breton deputies, who already met together at Versailles to consider the

course of proceeding they should take. When the national representatives

were transferred from Versailles to Paris, the Breton deputies and those

of the assembly who were of their views held their sittings in the old

convent of the Jacobins, which subsequently gave its name to their

meetings. It did not at first cease to be a preparatory assembly, but as

all things increase in time, the Jacobin club did not confine itself to

the influencing the assembly; it sought also to influence the municipality

and the people, and received as associates members of the municipality and

common citizens. Its organization became more regular, its action more

powerful; its sittings were regularly reported in the papers; it created

branch clubs in the provinces, and raised by the side of legal power

another power which first counselled and then conducted it.

The Jacobin club, as it lost its primitive character and became a popular

assembly, had been forsaken by part of its founders. The latter

established another society on the plan of the old one, under the name of

the club of '89. Sieyes, Chapelier, Lafayette, La Rochefoucauld directed

it, as Lameth and Barnave directed that of the Jacobins. Mirabeau belonged

to both, and by both was equally courted. These clubs, of which the one

prevailed in the assembly and the other amongst the people, were attached

to the new order of things, though in different degrees. The aristocracy

sought to attack the revolution with its own arms; it opened royalist

clubs to oppose the popular clubs. That first established under the name

of the _Club des Impartiaux_ could not last because it addressed itself to

no class opinion. Reappearing under the name of the _Club Monarchique_, it

included among its members all those whose views it represented. It sought

to render itself popular with the lower classes, and distributed bread;

but far from accepting its overtures, the people considered such

establishments as a counter-revolutionary movement. The people disturbed

their sittings, and obliged them several times to change their place of

meeting. At length, the municipal authority found itself obliged, in

January, 1791, to close this club, which had been the cause of several

riots.

The distrust of the multitude was extreme; the departure of the king's

aunts, to which it attached an exaggerated importance, increased its

uneasiness, and led it to suppose another departure was preparing. These

suspicions were not unfounded, and they occasioned a kind of rising which

the anti-revolutionists sought to turn to account by carrying off the

king. This project failed, owing to the resolution and skill of Lafayette.

While the crowd went to Vincennes to demolish the dungeon which they said

communicated with the Tuileries, and would favour the flight of the king,

more than six hundred persons armed with swords and daggers entered the

Tuileries to compel the king to flee. Lafayette, who had repaired to

Vincennes to disperse the multitude, returned to quell the anti-

revolutionists of the chateau, after dissipating the mob of the popular

party, and by this second expedition he regained the confidence which his

first had lost him.

The attempt rendered the escape of Louis XVI. more feared than ever.

Accordingly, a short time after, when he wished to go to Saint Cloud, he

was prevented by the crowd and even by his own guard, despite the efforts

of Lafayette, who endeavoured to make them respect the law, and the

liberty of the monarch. The assembly on its side, after having decreed the

inviolability of the prince, after having regulated his constitutional

guard, and assigned the regency to the nearest male heir to the crown,

declared that his flight from the kingdom would lead to his dethronement.

The increasing emigration, the open avowal of its objects, and the

threatening attitude of the European cabinets, all cherished the fear that

the king might adopt such a determination.

Then, for the first time, the assembly sought to stop the progress of

emigration by a decree; but this decree was a difficult question. If they

punished those who left the kingdom, they violated the maxims of liberty,

rendered sacred by the declaration of rights; if they did not raise

obstacles to emigration, they endangered the safety of France, as the

nobles merely quitted it in order to invade it. In the assembly, setting

aside those who favoured emigration, some looked only at the right, others

only at the danger, and every one sided with or opposed the restrictive

law, according to his mode of viewing the subject. Those who desired the

law, wished it to be mild; but only one law could be practicable at such a

moment, and the assembly shrank from enacting it. This law, by the

arbitrary order of a committee of three members, was to pronounce a

sentence of civil death on the fugitive, and the confiscation of his

property. "The horror expressed on the reading of this project," cried

Mirabeau, "proves that this is a law worthy of being placed in the code of

Draco, and cannot find place among the decrees of the national assembly of

France. I proclaim that I shall consider myself released from every oath

of fidelity I have made towards those who may be infamous enough to

nominate a dictatorial commission. The popularity I covet, and which I

have the honour to enjoy, is not a feeble reed; I wish it to take root in

the soil, based on justice and liberty." The exterior position was not yet

sufficiently alarming for the adoption of such a measure of safety and

revolutionary defence.

Mirabeau did not long enjoy the popularity which he imagined he was so

sure of. That was the last sitting he attended. A few days afterwards he

terminated a life worn out by passions and by toil. His death, which

happened on the 2nd of March, 1791, was considered a public calamity; all

Paris attended his funeral; there was a general mourning throughout

France, and his remains were deposited in the receptacle which had just

been consecrated _aux grands hommes_, in the name of _la patrie

reconnaissante_. No one succeeded him in power and popularity; and for a

long time, in difficult discussions, the eyes of the assembly would turn

towards the seat from whence they had been accustomed to hear the

commanding eloquence which terminated their debates. Mirabeau, after

having assisted the revolution with his daring in seasons of trial, and

with his powerful reasoning since its victory, died seasonably. He was

revolving vast designs; he wished to strengthen the throne, and

consolidate the revolution; two attempts extremely difficult at such a

time. It is to be feared that royalty, if he had made it independent,

would have put down the revolution; or, if he had failed, that the

revolution would have put down royalty. It is, perhaps, impossible to

convert an ancient power into a new order; perhaps a revolution must be

prolonged in order to become legitimate, and the throne, as it recovers,

acquire the novelty of the other institutions.

From the 5th and 6th of October, 1789, to the month of April, 1791, the

national assembly completed the reorganization of France; the court gave

itself up to petty intrigues and projects of flight; the privileged

classes sought for new means of power, those which they formerly possessed

having been successively taken from them. They took advantage of all the

opportunities of disorder which circumstances furnished them with, to

attack the new regime and restore the old, by means of anarchy. At the

opening of the law courts the nobility caused the Chambres de vacations to

protest; when the provinces were abolished, it made the orders protest. As

soon as the departments were formed, it tried new elections; when the old

writs had expired, it sought the dissolution of the assembly; when the new

military code passed, it endeavoured to excite the defection of the

officers; lastly, all these means of opposition failing to effect the

success of its designs, it emigrated, to excite Europe against the

revolution. The clergy, on its side, discontented with the loss of its

possessions still more than with the ecclesiastical constitution, sought

to destroy the new order by insurrections, and to bring on insurrections

by a schism. Thus it was during this epoch that parties became gradually

disunited, and that the two classes hostile to the revolution prepared the

elements of civil and foreign war.

CHAPTER IV

FROM APRIL, 1791, TO THE 3OTH SEPTEMBER. THE END OF THE CONSTITUENT

ASSEMBLY

The French revolution was to change the political state of Europe, to

terminate the strife of kings among themselves, and to commence that

between kings and people. This would have taken place much later had not

the kings themselves provoked it. They sought to suppress the revolution,

and they extended it; for by attacking it they were to render it

victorious. Europe had then arrived at the term of the political system

which swayed it. The political activity of the several states after being

internal under the feudal government, had become external under the

monarchical government. The first period terminated almost at the same

time among all the great nations of Europe. Then kings who had so long

been at war with their vassals, because they were in contact with them,

encountered each other on the boundaries of their kingdoms, and fought. As

no domination could become universal, neither that of Charles V. nor that

of Louis XIV., the weak always uniting against the strong, after several

vicissitudes of superiority and alliance, a sort of European equilibrium

was established. In order to appreciate ulterior events, I propose to

consider this equilibrium before the revolution.

Austria, England, and France had been, from the peace of Westphalia to the

middle of the eighteenth century, the three great powers of Europe.

Interest had leagued the two first against the third. Austria had reason

to dread the influence of France in the Netherlands; England feared it on

the sea. Rivalry of power and commerce often set them at variance, and

they sought to weaken or plunder each other. Spain, since a prince of the

house of Bourbon had been on the throne, was the ally of France against

England. This, however, was a fallen power: confined to a corner of the

continent, oppressed by the system of Philip II., deprived by the Family

Compact of the only enemy that could keep it in action, by sea only had it

retained any of its ancient superiority. But France had other allies on

all sides of Austria: Sweden on the north; Poland and the Porte on the

east; in the south of Germany, Bavaria; Prussia on the west; and in Italy,

the kingdom of Naples. These powers, having reason to dread the

encroachments of Austria, were naturally the allies of her enemy.

Piedmont, placed between the two systems of alliance, sided, according to

circumstances and its interests, with either. Holland was united with

England or with France, as the party of the stadtholders or that of the

people prevailed in the republic. Switzerland was neutral.

In the last half of the eighteenth century, two powers had risen in the

north, Russia and Prussia. The latter had been changed from a simple

electorate into an important kingdom, by Frederick-William, who had given

it a treasure and an army; and by his son Frederick the Great, who had

made use of these to extend his territory. Russia, long unconnected with

the other states, had been more especially introduced into the politics of

Europe by Peter I. and Catharine II. The accession of these two powers

considerably modified the ancient alliances. In concert with the cabinet

of Vienna, Russia and Prussia had executed the first partition of Poland

in 1772; and after the death of Frederick the Great, the empress Catharine

and the emperor Joseph united in 1785 to effect that of European Turkey.

The cabinet of Versailles, weakened since the imprudent and unfortunate

Seven Years' War, had assisted at the partition of Poland without opposing

it, had raised no obstacle to the fall of the Ottoman empire, and even

allowed its ally, the republican party in Holland, to sink under the blows

of Prussia and England, without assisting it. The latter powers had in

1787 re-established by force the hereditary, stadtholderate of the United

Provinces. The only act which did honour to French policy, was the support

it had happily given to the emancipation of North America. The revolution

of 1789, while extending the moral influence of France, diminished still

more its diplomatic influence.

England, under the government of young Pitt, was alarmed in 1788 at the

ambitious projects of Russia, and united with Holland and Prussia to put

an end to them. Hostilities were on the point of commencing when the

emperor Joseph died, in February, 1790, and was succeeded by Leopold, who

in July accepted the convention of Reichenbach. This convention, by the

mediation of England, Russia, and Holland, settled the terms of the peace

between Austria and Turkey, which was signed definitively, on the 4th of

August, 1791, at Sistova; it at the same time provided for the

pacification of the Netherlands. Urged by England and Prussia, Catharine

II. also made peace with the Porte at Jassy, on the 29th of December,

1791. These negotiations, and the treaties they gave rise to, terminated

the political struggles of the eighteenth century, and left the powers

free to turn their attention to the French Revolution.

The princes of Europe, who had hitherto had no enemies but themselves,

viewed it in the light of a common foe. The ancient relations of war and

of alliance, already overlooked during the Seven Years' War, now ceased

entirely: Sweden united with Russia, and Prussia with Austria. There was

nothing now but the kings on one side, and people on the other, waiting

for the auxiliaries which its example, or the faults of princes might give

it. A general coalition was soon formed against the French revolution.

Austria engaged in it with the hope of aggrandizement, England to avenge

the American war, and to preserve itself from the spirit of the

revolution; Prussia to strengthen the threatened absolute power, and

profitably to engage its unemployed army; the German states to restore

feudal rights to some of their members who had been deprived of them, by

the abolition of the old regime in Alsace; the king of Sweden, who had

constituted himself the champion of arbitrary power, to re-establish it in

France, as he had just done in his own country; Russia, that it might

execute without trouble the partition of Poland, while the attention of

Europe was directed elsewhere; finally, all the sovereigns of the house of

Bourbon, from the interest of power and family attachments. The emigrants

encouraged them in these projects, and excited them to invasion. According

to them, France was without an army, or at least without leaders,

destitute of money, given up to disorder, weary of the assembly, disposed

to the ancient regime, and without either the means or the inclination to

defend itself. They flocked in crowds to take a share in the promised

short campaign, and formed into organized bodies under the prince de

Conde, at Worms, and the count d'Artois, at Coblentz.

The count d'Artois especially hastened the determination of the cabinets.

The emperor Leopold was in Italy, and the count repaired to him, with

Calonne as minister, and the count Alphonse de Durfort, who had been his

mediator with the court of the Tuileries, and who had brought him the

king's authority to treat with Leopold. The conference took place at

Mantua, and the count de Durfort returned, and delivered to Louis XVI. in

the name of the emperor, a secret declaration, in which was announced to

him the speedy assistance of the coalition. Austria was to advance thirty-

five thousand men on the frontier of Flanders; the German states, fifteen

thousand on Alsace; the Swiss, fifteen thousand on the Lyonese frontier;

the king of Sardinia, fifteen thousand on that of Dauphine; Spain was to

augment its army in Catalonia to twenty thousand; Prussia was well

disposed in favour of the coalition, and the king of England was to take

part in it as elector of Hanover. All these troops were to move at the

same time, at the end of July; the house of Bourbon was then to make a

protest, and the powers were to publish a manifesto; until then, however,

it was essential to keep the design secret, to avoid all partial

insurrection, and to make no attempt at flight. Such was the result of the

conferences at Mantua on the 20th May, 1791.

Louis XVI., either from a desire not to place himself entirely at the

mercy of foreign powers, or dreading the ascendency which the count

d'Artois, should he return at the head of the victorious emigrants, would

assume over the government he had established, preferred restoring the

government alone. In general Bouille he had a devoted and skilful

partisan, who at the same time condemned both emigration and the assembly,

and promised him refuge and support in his army. For some time past, a

secret correspondence had taken place between him and the king. Bouille

prepared everything to receive him. He established a camp at Montmedy,

under the pretext of a movement of hostile troops on the frontier; he

placed detachments on the route the king was to take, to serve him for

escort, and as a motive was necessary for these arrangements, he alleged

that of protecting the money despatched for the payment of the troops.

The royal family on its side made every preparation for departure; very

few persons were informed of it, and no measures betrayed it. Louis XVI.

and the queen, on the contrary, pursued a line of conduct calculated to

silence suspicion; and on the night of the 20th of June, they issued at

the appointed hour from the chateau, one by one, in disguise. In this way

they eluded the vigilance of the guard, reached the Boulevard, where a

carriage awaited them, and took the road to Chalons and Montmedy.

On the following day the news of this escape threw Paris into

consternation; indignation soon became the prevailing sentiment; crowds

assembled, and the tumult increased. Those who had not prevented the

flight were accused of favouring it. Neither Bailly nor Lafayette escaped

the general mistrust. This event was considered the precursor of the

invasion of France, the triumph of the emigrants; the return of the

ancient regime, and a long civil war. But the conduct of the assembly soon

restored the public mind to calmness and security. It took every measure

which so difficult a conjuncture required. It summoned the ministers and

authorities to its bar; calmed the people by a proclamation; used proper

precautions to secure public tranquillity; seized on the executive power,

commissioned Montmorin, the minister of foreign affairs, to inform the

European powers of its pacific intentions; sent commissioners to secure

the favour of the troops, and receive their oath, no longer made in the

name of the king, but in that of the assembly, and lastly, issued an order

through the departments for the arrest of any one attempting to leave the

kingdom. "Thus, in less than four hours," says the marquis de Ferrieres,

"the assembly was invested with every kind of power. The government went

on; public tranquillity did not experience the slightest shock; and Paris

and France learned from this experience, so fatal to royalty, that the

monarch is almost always a stranger to the government that exists in his

name."

Meantime Louis XVI. and his family were drawing near the termination of

their journey. The success of the first days' journeys, the increasing

distance from Paris, rendered the king less reserved and more confident;

he had the imprudence to show himself, was recognised, and arrested at

Varennes on the 21st. The national guard were under arms instantly; the

officers of the detachments posted by Bouille sought in vain to rescue the

king; the dragoons and hussars feared or refused to support them. Bouille,

apprised of this fatal event, hastened himself at the head of a regiment

of cavalry. But it was too late; on reaching Varennes, he found that the

king had left it several hours before; his squadrons were tired, and

refused to advance. The national guard were on all sides under arms, and

after the failure of his enterprise, he had no alternative but to leave

the army and quit France.

The assembly, on hearing of the king's arrest, sent to him, as

commissioners, three of its members, Petion, Latour-Maubourg, and Barnave.

They met the royal family at Epernay and returned with them. It was during

this journey, that Barnave, touched by the good sense of Louis XVI., the

fascinations of Marie Antoinette, and the fate of this fallen family,

conceived for it an earnest interest. From that day he gave it his

assiduous counsel and support. On reaching Paris the royal party passed

through an immense crowd, which expressed neither applause nor murmurs,

but observed a reproachful silence.

The king was provisionally suspended: he had had a guard set over him, as

had the queen; and commissioners were appointed to question him. Agitation

pervaded all parties. Some desired to retain the king on the throne,

notwithstanding his flight; others maintained, that he had abdicated by

condemning, in a manifesto addressed to the French on his departure, both

the revolution, and the acts which had emanated from him during that

period, which he termed a time of captivity.

The republican party now began to appear. Hitherto it had remained either

dependent or hidden, because it had been without any existence of its own,

or because it wanted a pretext for displaying itself. The struggle, which

lay at first between the assembly and the court, then between the

constitutionalists and the aristocrats, and latterly among the

constitutionalists themselves, was now about to commence between the

constitutionalists and the republicans. In times of revolution such is the

inevitable course of events. The partisans of the order newly established

then met and renounced differences of opinion which were detrimental to

their cause, even while the assembly was all powerful, but which had

become highly perilous, now that the emigration party threatened it on the

one hand, and the multitude on the other. Mirabeau was no more. The

Centre, on which this powerful man had relied, and which constituted the

least ambitious portion of the assembly, the most attached to principles,

might by joining the Lameths, re-establish Louis XVI. and constitutional

monarchy, and present a formidable opposition to the popular ebullition.

This alliance took place; the Lameth party came to an understanding with

Andre and the principal members of the Centre, made overtures to the

court, and opened the club of the Feuillants in opposition to that of the

Jacobins. But the latter could not want leaders; under Mirabeau, they had

contended against Mounier; under the Lameths against Mirabeau; under

Petion and Robespierre, they contended against the Lameths. The party

which desired a second revolution had constantly supported the most

extreme actors in the revolution already accomplished, because this was

bringing within its reach the struggle and the victory. At this period,

from subordinate it had become independent; it no longer fought for others

and for opinions not its own, but for itself, and under its own banner.

The court, by its multiplied faults, its imprudent machinations, and,

lastly, by the flight of the monarch, had given it a sort of authority to

avow its object; and the Lameths, by forsaking it, had left it to its true

leaders.

The Lameths, in their turn, underwent the reproaches of the multitude,

which saw only their alliance with the court, without examining its

conditions. But supported by all the constitutionalists, they were

strongest in the assembly; and they found it essential to establish the

king as soon as possible, in order to put a stop to a controversy which

threatened the new order, by authorizing the public party to demand the

abolition of the royal power while its suspension lasted. The

commissioners appointed to interrogate Louis XVI. dictated to him a

declaration, which they presented in his name to the assembly, and which

modified the injurious effect of his flight. The reporter declared, in the

name of the seven committees entrusted with the examination of this great

question, that there were no grounds for bringing Louis XVI. to trial, or

for pronouncing his dethronement. The discussion which followed this

report was long and animated; the efforts of the republican party,

notwithstanding their pertinacity, were unsuccessful. Most of their

orators spoke; they demanded deposition or a regency; that is to say,

popular government, or an approach towards it. Barnave, after meeting all

their arguments, finished his speech with these remarkable words:

"Regenerators of the empire, follow your course without deviation. You

have proved that you had courage to destroy the abuses of power; you have

proved that you possessed all that was requisite to substitute wise and

good institutions in their place; prove now that you have the wisdom to

protect and maintain these. The nation has just given a great evidence of

its strength and courage; it has displayed, solemnly and by a spontaneous

movement, all that it could oppose to the attacks which threatened it.

Continue the same precautions; let our boundaries, let our frontiers be

powerfully defended. But while we manifest our power, let us also prove

our moderation; let us present peace to the world, alarmed by the events

which take place amongst us; let us present an occasion for triumph to all

those who in foreign lands have taken an interest in our revolution. They

cry to us from all parts: you are powerful; be wise, be moderate, therein

will lie your highest glory. Thus will you prove that in various

circumstances you can employ various means, talents, and virtues."

The assembly sided with Barnave. But to pacify the people, and to provide

for the future safety of France, it decreed that the king should be

considered as abdicating, _de facto_, if he retracted the oath he had

taken to the constitution; if he headed an army for the purpose of making

war upon the nation, or permitted any one to do so in his name; and that,

in such case, become a simple citizen, he would cease to be inviolable,

and might be responsible for acts committed subsequent to his abdication.

On the day that this decree was adopted by the assembly, the leaders of

the republican party excited the multitude against it. But the hall in

which it sat was surrounded by the national guard, and it could not be

assailed or intimidated. The agitators unable to prevent the passing of

the decree, aroused the people against it. They drew up a petition, in

which they denied the competency of the assembly; appealed from it to the

sovereignty of the nation, treated Louis XVI. as deposed since his flight,

and demanded a substitute for him. This petition, drawn up by Brissot,

author of the _Patriote Francais_, and president of the _Comite des

Recherches_ of Paris, was carried, on the 17th of July, to the altar of

the country in the Champ de Mars: an immense crowd flocked to sign it. The

assembly, apprized of what was taking place, summoned the municipal

authorities to its bar, and directed them to preserve the public

tranquillity. Lafayette marched against the crowd, and in the first

instance succeeded in dispersing it without bloodshed. The municipal

officers took up their quarters in the Invalides; but the same day the

crowd returned in greater numbers, and with more determination. Danton and

Camille Desmoulins harangued them from the altar of the country. Two

Invalides, supposed to be spies, were massacred and their heads stuck on

pikes. The insurrection became alarming. Lafayette again repaired to the

Champ de Mars, at the head of twelve hundred of the national guard. Bailly

accompanied him, and had the red banner unfurled. The crowd was then

summoned to disperse in the name of the law; it refused to retire, and,

contemning authority, shouted, "Down with the red flag!" and assailed the

national guard with stones. Lafayette ordered his men to fire, but in the

air. The crowd was not intimidated with this, and resumed the attack;

compelled by the obstinacy of the insurgents, Lafayette then ordered

another discharge, a real and effective one. The terrified multitude fled,

leaving many dead on the field. The disturbances now ceased, order was

restored; but blood had flown, and the people never forgave Bailly or

Lafayette the cruel necessity to which the crowd had driven them. This was

a regular combat, in which the republican party, not as yet sufficiently

strong or established, was defeated by the constitutional monarchy party.

The attempt of the Champ de Mars was the prelude of the popular movements

which led to the 10th of August.

While this was passing in the assembly and at Paris, the emigrants, whom

the flight of Louis XVI. had elated with hope, were thrown into

consternation at his arrest. _Monsieur_, who had fled at the same time as

his brother, and with better fortune, arrived alone at Brussels with the

powers and title of regent. The emigrants thenceforth relied only on the

assistance of Europe; the officers quitted their colours; two hundred and

ninety members of the assembly protested against its decrees; in order to

legitimatize invasion, Bouille wrote a threatening letter, in the

inconceivable hope of intimidating the assembly, and at the same time to

take upon himself the sole responsibility of the flight of Louis XVI.;

finally, the emperor, the king of Prussia, and the count d'Artois met at

Pilnitz, where they made the famous declaration of the 27th of August,

preparatory to the invasion of France, and which, far from improving the

condition of the king, would have imperilled him, had not the assembly, in

its wisdom, continued to follow out its new designs, regardless at once of

the clamours of the multitude at home, and the foreign powers.

In the declaration of Pilnitz, the sovereigns considered the cause of

Louis XVI. as their own. They required that he should be free to go where

he pleased, that is to say, to repair to them that he should be restored

to his throne; that the assembly should be dissolved, and that the princes

of the empire having possessions in Alsace, should be reinstated in their

feudal rights In case of refusal, they threatened France with a war in

which all the powers who were guarantees for the French monarchy would

concur. This declaration, so far from discouraging, only served to

irritate the assembly and the people. Men asked only another, what right

the princes of Europe had to interfere in the government of France; by

what right they gave orders to great people, and imposed conditions upon

it; and since the sovereigns appealed to force, the people of France

prepared to resist them. The frontiers were put in a state of defence; the

hundred thousand men of the national guard were enrolled, and they awaited

in calm serenity the attack of the enemy, well convinced that the French

people, on their own soil and in a state of revolution, would be

invincible.

Meantime, the assembly approached the close of its labours; civil

relations, public taxation, the nature of crimes, their prosecution, and

their punishment, had been by it as wisely regulated as were the public

and constitutional relations of the country. Equality had been introduced

into the laws of inheritance, into taxation, and into punishments; nothing

remained but to unite all the constitutional decrees into a body and

submit them to the king for his approval. The assembly was growing weary

of its labours and of its dissensions; the people itself, who in France

ever become tired of that which continues beyond a certain time, desired a

new national representation; the convocation of the electoral colleges was

therefore fixed for the 5th of August. Unfortunately, the members of the

present assembly could not form part of the succeeding one; this had been

decided before the flight to Varennes. In this important question, the

assembly had been drawn away by the rivalry of some, the disinterestedness

of others, the desire for anarchy on the part of the aristocrats, and of

domination on that of the republicans. Vainly did Duport exclaim: "While

every one is pestering us with new principles of all sorts, how is it

overlooked that stability is also a principle of government? Is France,

whose children are so ardent and changeable, to be exposed every two years

to a revolution in her laws and opinions?" This was the desire of the

privileged classes and the Jacobins, though with different views. In all

such matters, the constituent assembly was deceived or overruled; when the

ministry was in question, it decided, in opposition to Mirabeau, that no

deputy could hold office; on the subject of re-election, it decided, in

opposition to its own members, that it could not take place; in the same

spirit, it prohibited their accepting, for four years, any post offered

them by the prince. This mania of disinterestedness soon induced Lafayette

to divest himself of the command of the national guard, and Bailly to

resign the mayoralty. Thus this remarkable epoch entirely annihilated the

constituent body.

The collection of the constitutional decrees into one body led to the idea

of revising them. But this idea of revision gave great dissatisfaction,

and was almost of no effect; it was not desirable to render the

constitution more aristocratic by after measures, lest the multitude

should require it to be made more popular. To limit the sovereignty of the

nation, and, at the same time, not to overlook it, the assembly declared

that France had a right to revise its constitution, but that it was

prudent not to exercise this right for thirty years.

The act of the constitution was presented to the king by sixty deputies;

the suspension being taken off, Louis XVI. resumed the exercise of his

power; and the guard the law had given him was placed under his own

command. Thus restored to freedom, the constitution was submitted to him.

After examining it for several days, "I accept the constitution," he wrote

to the assembly; "I engage to maintain it at home, to defend it from all

attacks from abroad; and to cause its execution by all the means it places

at my disposal. I declare, that being informed of the attachment of the

great majority of the people to the constitution, I renounce my claim to

assist in the work, and that being responsible to the nation alone, no

other person, now that I have made this renunciation, has a right to

complain."

This letter excited general approbation. Lafayette demanded and procured

an amnesty in favour of those who were under prosecution for favouring the

king's flight, or for proceedings against the revolution. Next day the

king came in person to accept the constitution in the assembly. The

populace attended him thither with acclamations; he was the object of the

enthusiasm of the deputies and spectators, and he regained that day the

confidence and affection of his subjects. The 29th of September was fixed

for the closing of the assembly; the king was present; his speech was

often interrupted by applause, and when he said, "For you, gentlemen, who

during a long and arduous career have displayed such indefatigable zeal,

there remains one duty to fulfil when you have returned to your homes over

the country: to explain to your fellow-citizens the true meaning of the

laws you have made for them; to counsel those who slight them; to clarify

and unite all opinions by the example you shall afford of your love of

order, and of submission to the laws." Cries of "Yes! yes!" were uttered

by all the deputies with one common voice. "I rely on your being the

interpreters of my sentiments to your fellow-citizens." "Yes! yes!" "Tell

them all that the king will always be their first and most faithful

friend; that he needs their love; that he can only be happy with them and

by their means; the hope of contributing to their happiness will sustain

my courage, as the satisfaction of having succeeded will be my sweetest

recompense"

"It is a speech worthy of Henry IV.," said a voice, and the king left the

hall amidst the loudest testimonials of love.

Then Thouret, in a loud voice, and addressing the people, exclaimed: "The

constituent assembly pronounces its mission accomplished, and that its

sittings now terminate." Thus closed this first and glorious assembly of

the nation. It was courageous, intelligent, just, and had but one passion

--a passion for law. It accomplished, in two years, by its efforts, and

with indefatigable perseverance, the greatest revolution ever witnessed by

one generation of men. Amidst its labours, it repressed despotism and

anarchy, by frustrating the conspiracies of the aristocracy and

maintaining the multitude in subordination. Its only fault was that it did

not confide the guidance of the revolution to those who were its authors;

it divested itself of power, like those legislators of antiquity who

exiled themselves from their country after giving it a constitution. A new

assembly did not apply itself to consolidating its work, and the

revolution, which ought to have been finished, was recommenced.

The constitution of 1791 was based on principles adapted to the ideas and

situation of France. This constitution was the work of the middle class,

then the strongest; for, as is well known, the predominant force ever

takes possession of institutions. When it belongs to one man alone, it is

despotism; when to several, it is privilege; when to all, it is right;

this last state is the limit, as it is the origin, of society. France had

at length attained it, after passing through feudalism, which was the

aristocratic institution, and absolute power, which was the monarchical

institution. Equality was consecrated among the citizens, and delegation

recognised among the powers; such were to be, under the new system, the

condition of men, and the form of government.

In this constitution the people was the source of all powers, but it

exercised none; it was entrusted only with election in the first instance,

and its magistrates were selected by men chosen from among the enlightened

portions of the community. The latter constituted the assembly, the law

courts, the public offices, the corporations, the militia, and thus

possessed all the force and all the power of the state. It alone was fit

to exercise them, because it alone had the intelligence necessary for the

conduct of government. The people was not yet sufficiently advanced to

participate in power, consequently, it was only by accident, and in the

most casual and evanescent manner, that power fell into its hands; but it

received civic education, and was disciplined to government in the primary

assemblies, according to the true aim of society, which is not to confer

its advantages as a patrimony on one particular class, but to make all

share in them, when all are capable of acquiring them. This was the

leading characteristic of the constitution of 1791; as each, by degrees,

became competent to enjoy the right, he was admitted to it; it extended

its limits with the extension of civilization, which every day calls a

greater number of men to the administration of the state. In this way it

had established true equality, whose real character is admissibility, as

that of inequality is exclusion. In rendering power transferable by

election, it made it a public magistracy; whilst privilege, in rendering

it hereditary by transmission, makes it private property.

The constitution of 1791 established homogeneous powers which corresponded

among themselves, and thus reciprocally restrained each other; still, it

must be confessed, the royal authority was too subordinate to popular

power. It is never otherwise: sovereignty, from whatever source derived,

gives itself a feeble counterpoise when it limits itself. A constituent

assembly enfeebles royalty; a king who is a legislator limits the

prerogatives of an assembly.

This constitution was, however, less democratic than that of the United

States, which had been practicable, despite the extent of the territory,

proving that it is not the form of institutions, but the assent which they

obtain, or the dissent which they excite, which permits or hinders their

establishment. In a new country, after a revolution of independence, as in

America, any constitution is possible; there is but one hostile party,

that of the metropolis, and when that is overcome, the struggle ceases,

because defeat leads to its expulsion. It is not so with social

revolutions among nations who have long been in existence. Changes attack

interests, interests form parties, parties enter into contest, and the

more victory spreads the greater grows opposition. This is what happened

in France. The work of the constituent assembly perished less from its

defects than from the attacks of faction. Placed between the aristocracy

and the multitude, it was attacked by the one and invaded by the other.

The latter would not have become sovereign, had not civil war and the

foreign coalition called for its intervention and aid. To defend the

country, it became necessary that it should govern it; then it effected

its revolution, as the middle class had effected its own. It had its 14th

of July in the 10th of August; its constituent assembly, the convention;

its government, which was the committee of public safety; yet, as we shall

see, without emigration there would have been no republic.

THE NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

CHAPTER V

FROM THE 1ST OF OCTOBER, 1791, TO THE 21ST OF SEPTEMBER, 1792

The new assembly opened its session on the 1st October, 1791. It declared

itself immediately _the national legislative assembly_. From its first

appearance, it had occasion to display its attachment to the actual state

of things, and the respect it felt for the authors of French liberty. The

book of the constitution was solemnly presented to it by the archivist

Camus, accompanied by twelve of the oldest members of the national

representation. The assembly received the constitutional act standing and

uncovered, and on it took the oath, amidst the acclamations of the people

who occupied the tribunes, "_to live free or perish!_" A vote of thanks

was given by it to the members of the constituent assembly, and it then

prepared to commence its labours.

But its first relations with the king had not the same character of union

and confidence. The court, doubtless hoping to regain under the

legislative, the superior position which it had lost under the constituent

assembly, did not employ sufficient management towards a susceptible and

anxious popular authority, which was then considered the first of the

state. The assembly sent a deputation of sixty of its members to the king

to announce its opening. The king did not receive them in person, and sent

word by the minister of justice that he could not give them audience till

noon on the following day. This unceremonious dismissal, and the indirect

communication between the national representatives and the prince, by

means of a minister, hurt the deputation excessively. Accordingly, when

the audience took place, Duchastel, who headed the deputation, said to him

laconically: "Sire, the national legislative assembly is sitting; we are

deputed to inform you of this." Louis XVI. replied still more drily: "I

cannot visit you before Friday." This conduct of the court towards the

assembly was impolitic, and little calculated to conciliate the affection

of the people.

The assembly approved of the cold manner assumed by the deputation, and

soon indulged in an act of reprisal. The ceremony with which the king was

to be received among them was arranged according to preceding laws. A

fauteuil in the form of a throne was reserved for him; they used towards

him the titles of _sire_ and _majesty_, and the deputies, standing and

uncovered on his entrance, were to sit down, put on their hats, and rise

again, following with deference all the movements of the prince. Some

restless and exaggerated minds considered this condescension unworthy of a

sovereign assembly. The deputy Grangeneuve required that the words _sire_

and _majesty_ should be replaced by the "more constitutional and finer"

title of _king of the French_. Couthon strongly enforced this motion, and

proposed that a simple fauteuil should be assigned to the king, exactly

like the president's. These motions excited some slight disapprobation on

the part of a few members, but the greater number received them eagerly.

"It gives me pleasure to suppose," said Guadet, "that the French people

will always venerate the simple fauteuil upon which sits the president of

the national representatives, much more than the gilded fauteuil where

sits the head of the executive power. I will say nothing, gentlemen, of

the titles of _sire_ and _majesty_. It astonishes me to find the national

assembly deliberating whether they shall be retained. The word _sire_

signifies seigneur; it belonged to the feudal system, which has ceased to

exist. As for the term _majesty_, it should only be employed in speaking

of God and of the people."

The previous question was demanded, but feebly; these motions were put to

the vote, and carried by a considerable majority. Yet, as this decree

appeared hostile, the constitutional opinion pronounced itself against it,

and censured this too excessive rigour in the application of principles.

On the following day those who had demanded the previous question moved

that the decisions of the day before should be abandoned. A report was

circulated, at the same time, that the king would not enter the assembly

if the decree were maintained; and the decree was revoked. These petty

skirmishes between two powers who had to fear usurpations, assumptions,

and more especially ill will between them, terminated here on this

occasion, and all recollection of them was effaced by the presence of

Louis XVI. in the legislative body, where he was received with the

greatest respect and the most lively enthusiasm.

General pacification formed the chief topic of his speech. He pointed out

to the assembly the subjects that ought to attract its attention,--

finance, civil law, commerce, trade, and the consolidation of the new

government; he promised to employ his influence to restore order and

discipline in the army, to put the kingdom in a state of defence, and to

diffuse ideas respecting the French revolution, calculated to re-establish

a good understanding in Europe. He added the following words, which were

received with much applause: "Gentlemen, in order that your important

labours, as well as your zeal, may produce all the good which may be

expected from them, a constant harmony and unchanging confidence should

reign between the legislative body and the king. The enemies of our peace

seek but too eagerly to disunite us, but let love of country cement our

union, and let public interest make us inseparable! Thus public power may

develop itself without obstacle; government will not be harassed by vain

fears; the possessions and faith of each will be equally protected, and no

pretext will remain for any one to live apart from a country where the

laws are in vigour, and where the rights of all are respected."

Unfortunately there were two classes, without the revolution, that would

not enter into composition with it, and whose efforts in Europe and the

interior of France were to prevent the realization of these wise and

pacific words. As soon as there are displaced parties in a state, a

struggle will result, and measures of hostility must be taken against

them. Accordingly, the internal troubles, fomented by non-juring priests,

the military assemblings of emigrants, and the preparations for the

coalition, soon drove the legislative assembly further than the

constitution allowed, and than it itself had proposed.

The composition of this assembly was completely popular. The prevailing

ideas being in favour of the revolution, the court, nobility, and clergy

had exercised no influence over the elections. There were not in this

assembly, as in the preceding, partisans of absolute power and of

privilege. The two fractions of the Left who had separated towards the

close of the constituent assembly were again brought face to face; but no

longer in the same proportion of number and strength. The popular minority

of the previous assembly became the majority in this. The prohibition

against electing representatives already tried, the necessity of choosing

deputies from those most distinguished by their conduct and opinions, and

especially the active influence of the clubs, led to this result. Opinions

and parties soon became known. As in the constituent assembly there was a

Right, a Centre, a Left, but of a perfectly different character.

The Right, composed of firm and absolute constitutionalists, composed the

Feuillant party. Its principal speakers were Dumas, Ramond, Vaublanc,

Beugnot, etc. It had some relations with the court, through Barnave,

Duport, and Alexander Lameth, who were its former leaders; but whose

counsels were rarely followed by Louis XVI., who gave himself up with more

confidence to the advice of those immediately around him. Out of doors, it

supported itself on the club of the Feuillants and upon the bourgeoisie.

The national guard, the army, the directory of the department, and in

general all the constituted authorities, were favourable to it. But this

party, which no longer prevailed in the assembly, soon lost a post quite

as essential, that of the municipality, which was occupied by its

adversaries of the Left.

These formed the party called Girondist, and which in the revolution only

formed an intermediate party between the middle class and the multitude.

It had then no subversive project; but it was disposed to defend the

revolution in every way, and in this differed from the constitutionalists

who would only defend it with the law. At its head were the brilliant

orators of the Gironde, [Footnote: The name of the river Garonne, after

its confluence with the Dordogne.] who gave their name to the party,

Vergniaud, Guadet, Gensonne, and the Provencal Isnard, who had a style of

still more impassioned eloquence than theirs. Its chief leader was

Brissot, who, a member of the corporation of Paris during the last

session, had subsequently become a member of the assembly. The opinions of

Brissot, who advocated a complete reform; his great activity of mind,

which he developed at once in the journal the _Patriote_, in the tribune

of the assembly, and at the club of the Jacobins; his exact and extensive

knowledge of the position of foreign powers, gave him great ascendancy at

the moment of a struggle between parties, and of a war with Europe.

Condorcet possessed influence of another description; he owed this to his

profound ideas, to his superior reason, which almost procured him the

place of Sieyes in this second revolutionary generation. Petion, of a calm

and determined character, was the active man of this party. His tranquil

brow, his fluent elocution, his acquaintance with the people, soon

procured for him the municipal magistracy, which Bailly had discharged for

the middle class.

The Left had in the assembly the nucleus of a party more extreme than

itself, and the members of which, such as Chabot, Bazire, Merlin, were to

the Girondists what Petion, Buzot, Robespierre, had been to the Left of

the constituent. This was the commencement of the democratic faction

which, without, served as auxiliary to the Gironde, and which managed the

clubs and the multitude. Robespierre in the society of the Jacobins, where

he established his sway after leaving the assembly; Danton, Camille

Desmoulins, and Fabre-d'Eglantine at the Cordeliers, where they had

founded a club of innovators more extreme than the Jacobins, composed of

men of the bourgeoisie; the brewer Santerre in the faubourgs, where the

popular power lay; were the true chiefs of this faction, which depended on

one whole class, and aspired at founding its own regime.

The Centre of the legislative assembly was sincerely attached to the new

order of things. It had almost the same opinions, the same inclination for

moderation as the Centre of the constituent assembly; but its power was

very different: it was no longer at the head of a class established, and

by the aid of which it could master all the extreme parties. Public

dangers, making the want of exalted opinions and parties from without

again felt, completely annulled the Centre. It was soon won over to the

strongest side, the fate of all moderate parties, and the Left swayed it.

The situation of the assembly was very difficult. Its predecessor had left

it parties which it evidently could not pacify. From the beginning of the

session it was obliged to turn its attention to these, and that in

opposing them. Emigration was making an alarming progress: the king's two

brothers, the prince de Conde and the duke de Bourbon, had protested

against Louis XVI. accepting the constitutional act, that is, against the

only means of accommodation; they had said that the king could not

alienate the rights of the ancient monarchy; and their protest,

circulating throughout France, had produced a great effect on their

partisans. Officers quitted the armies, the nobility their chateaux, whole

companies deserted to enlist on the frontiers. Distaffs were sent to those

who wavered; and those who did not emigrate were threatened with the loss

of the position when the nobility should return victorious. In the

Austrian Low Countries and the bordering electorates, there was formed

what was called _La France exterieure_. The counterrevolution was openly

preparing at Brussels, Worms, and Coblentz, under the protection and even

with the assistance of foreign courts. The ambassadors of the emigrants

were received, while those of the French government were dismissed, ill

received, or even thrown into prison, as in the case of M. Duveryer.

French merchants and travellers suspected of patriotism and attachment to

the revolution were scouted throughout Europe. Several powers had declared

themselves without disguise: of this number were Sweden, Russia, and

Spain; the latter at that time being governed by the marquis Florida-

Blanca, a man entirely devoted to the emigrant party. At the same time,

Prussia kept its army prepared for war: the lines of the Spanish and

Sardinian troops increased on our Alpine and Pyrenean frontiers, and

Gustavus was assembling a Swedish army.

The dissentient ecclesiastics left nothing undone which might produce a

diversion in favour of the emigrants at home. "Priests, and especially

bishops," says the marquis de Ferrieres, "employed all the resources of

fanaticism to excite the people, in town and country, against the civil

constitution of the clergy." Bishops ordered the priests no longer to

perform divine service in the same church with the constitutional priests,

for fear the people might confound the two. "Independently," he adds, "of

circular letters written to the cures, instructions intended for the

people were circulated through the country. They said that the sacraments

could not be effectually administered by the constitutional priests, whom

they called _Intruders_, and that every one attending their ministrations

became by their presence guilty of a mortal sin; that those who were

married by Intruders, were not married; that they brought a curse upon

themselves and upon their children; that no one should have communication

with them, or with those separated from the church; that the municipal

officers who installed them, like them became apostates; that the moment

of their installation all bell-ringers and sextons ought to resign their

situations.... These fanatical addresses produced the effect which the

bishops expected. Religious disturbances broke out on all sides."

Insurrection more especially broke out in Calvados, Gevaudan, and La

Vendee. These districts were ill-disposed towards the revolution, because

they contained few of the middle and intelligent classes, and because the

populace, up to that time, had been kept in a state of dependence on the

nobility and clergy. The Girondists, taking alarm, wished to adopt

rigorous measures against emigration and the dissentient priests, who

attacked the new order of things. Brissot proposed putting a stop to

emigration, by giving up the mild system hitherto observed towards it. He

divided the emigrants into three classes:--1st. The principal leaders, and

at their head the brothers of the king. 2ndly. Public functionaries who

forsook their posts and country, and sought to entice their colleagues.

3rdly. Private individuals, who, to preserve life, or from an aversion to

the revolution, or from other motives, left their native land, without

taking arms against it. He required that severe laws should be put in

force against the first two classes; but thought it would be good policy

to be indulgent towards the last. With respect to non-juring

ecclesiastics and agitators, some of the Girondists proposed to confine

themselves to a stricter surveillance; others thought there was only one

safe line of conduct to be pursued towards them: that the spirit of

sedition could only be quelled by banishing them from the country. "All

attempts at conciliation," said the impetuous Isnard, "will henceforth be

in vain. What, I ask, has been the consequence of these reiterated

pardons? The daring of your foes has increased with your indulgence; they

will only cease to injure you when deprived of the means of doing so. They

must be conquerors or conquered. On this point all must agree; the man who

will not see this great truth is, in my opinion, politically blind."

The constitutionalists were opposed to all these measures; they did not

deny the danger, but they considered such laws arbitrary. They said,

before everything it was necessary to respect the constitution, and from

that time to confine themselves to precautionary measures; that it was

sufficient to keep on the defensive against the emigrants; and to wait, in

order to punish the dissentient priests, till they discovered actual

conspiracies on their part. They recommended that the law should not be

violated even towards enemies, for fear that once engaging in such a

course, it should be impossible to arrest that course, and so the

revolution be lost, like the ancient regime, through its injustice. But

the assembly, which deemed the safety of the state more important than the

strict observance of the law, which saw danger in hesitation, and which,

moreover, was influenced by passions which lead to expeditious measures,

was not stopped by these considerations. With common consent it again, on

the 30th of October, passed a decree relative to the eldest brother of the

king, Louis-Stanislaus-Xavier. This prince was required, in the terms of

the constitution, to return to France in two months, or at the expiration

of that period he would be considered to have forfeited his rights as

regent. But agreement ceased as to the decrees against emigrants and

priests. On the 9th of November the assembly resolved, that the French

gathered together beyond the frontiers were suspected of conspiracy

against their country; that if they remained assembled on the 1st of

January, 1792, they would be treated as conspirators, be punishable by

death, and that after condemnation to death for contumacy, the proceeds of

their estates were to be confiscated to the nation, always without

prejudice to the rights of their wives, children, and lawful creditors. On

the 29th of the same month it passed a similar decree respecting the

dissentient priests. They were obliged to take the civic oath, under pain

of being deprived of their pensions and suspected of revolt against the

law. If they still refused they were to be closely watched; and if any

religious disturbances took place in their parishes, they were to be taken

to the chief town of the department, and if found to have taken any part

in exciting disobedience, they were liable to imprisonment.

The king sanctioned the first decree respecting his brother; he put his

veto on the other two. A short time before he had disavowed emigration by

public measures, and he had written to the emigrant princes recalling them

to the kingdom. He invited them to return in the name of the tranquillity

of France, and of the attachment and obedience they owed to him as their

brother and their king. "I shall," said he, in concluding the letter,

"always be grateful to you for saving me the necessity of acting in

opposition to you, through the invariable resolution I have made to

maintain what I have announced." These wise invitations had led to no

result: but Louis XVI., while he condemned the conduct of the emigrants,

would not give his consent to the measures taken against them. In refusing

his sanction he was supported by the friends of the constitution and the

directory of the department. This support was not without use to him, at a

time when, in the eyes of the people, he appeared to be an accomplice of

emigration, when he provoked the dissatisfaction of the Girondists, and

separated himself from the assembly. He should have united closely with

it, since he invoked the constitution against the emigrants in his

letters, and against the revolutionist, by the exercise of his

prerogative. His position could only become strong by sincerely falling in

with the first revolution, and making his own cause one with that of the

bourgeoisie.

But the court was not so resigned; it still expected better times, and was

thus prevented from pursuing an invariable line of conduct, and induced to

seek grounds for hope in every quarter. Now and then disposed to favour

the intervention of foreign powers, it continued to correspond with

Europe; it intrigued with its ministers against the popular party, and

made use of the Feuillants against the Girondists, though with much

distrust. At this period its chief resource was in the petty schemes of

Bertrand de Moleville, who directed the council; who had established a

_French club_, the members of which he paid; who purchased the applause of

the tribunes of the assembly, hoping by this imitation of the revolution

to conquer the true revolution, his object being to deceive parties, and

annul the effects of the constitution by observing it literally.

By this line of conduct the court had even the imprudence to weaken the

constitutionalists, whom it ought to have reinforced; at their expense it

favoured the election of Petion to the mayoralty. Through the

disinterestedness with which the preceding assembly had been seized, all

who had held popular posts under it successively gave them up. On the 18th

of October, Lafayette resigned the command of the national guard, and

Bailly had just retired from the mayoralty. The constitutional party

proposed that Lafayette should replace him in this first post of the

state, which, by permitting or restraining insurrections, delivered Paris

into the power of him who occupied it. Till then it had been in the hands

of the constitutionalists, who, by this means, had repressed the rising of

the Champ de Mars. They had lost the direction of the assembly, the

command of the national guard; they now lost the corporation. The court

gave to Petion, the Girondist candidate, all the votes at its disposal.

"M. de Lafayette," observed the queen to Bertrand de Moleville, "only

wishes to be mayor of Paris in order to become mayor of the palace. Petion

is a jacobin, a republican, but he is a fool, incapable of ever leading a

party." On the 4th of November, Petion was elected mayor by a majority of

6708 votes in a total of 10,632.

The Girondists, in whose favour this nomination became decisive, did not

content themselves with the acquisition of the mayoralty. France could not

remain long in this dangerous and provisional state. The decrees which,

justly or otherwise, were to provide for the defence of the revolution,

and which had been rejected by the king, were not replaced by any

government measure; the ministry manifested either unwillingness or sheer

indifference. The Girondists, accordingly, accused Delessart, the minister

for foreign affairs, of compromising the honour and safety of the nation

by the tone of his negotiations with foreign powers, by his

procrastination, and want of skill. They also warmly attacked Duportail,

the war minister, and Bertrand de Moleville, minister of the marine, for

neglecting to put the coasts and frontiers in a state of defence. The

conduct of the Electors of Treves, Mayence, and the bishop of Spires, who

favoured the military preparations of the emigrants, more especially

excited the national indignation. The diplomatic committee proposed a

declaration to the king, that the nation would view with satisfaction a

requisition by him to the neighbouring princes to disperse the military

gatherings within three weeks, and his assembling the forces necessary to

make them respect international law. By this important measure, they also

wished to make Louis XVI. enter into a solemn engagement, and signify to

the diet of Ratisbon, as well as to the other courts of Europe, the firm

intentions of France.

Isnard ascended the tribune to support this proposition. "Let us," said

he, "in this crisis, rise to the full elevation of our mission; let us

speak to the ministers, to the king, to all Europe, with the firmness that

becomes us. Let us tell our ministers, that hitherto the nation is not

well satisfied with the conduct of any of them; that henceforth they will

have no choice but between public gratitude and the vengeance of the laws;

and that by the word responsibility we understand death. Let us tell the

king that it is his interest to defend the constitution; that he only

reigns by the people and for the people; that the nation is his sovereign,

and that he is subject to the law. Let us tell Europe, that if the French

people once draw the sword, they will throw away the scabbard, and will

not raise it again till it may be crowned with the laurels of victory;

that if cabinets engage kings in a war against the people, we will engage

the people in a mortal warfare against kings. Let us tell them, that all

the fights the people shall fight at the order of despots"--here he was

interrupted by loud applause--"Do not applaud," he cried--"do not applaud;

respect my enthusiasm; it is that of liberty! Let us say to Europe, that

all the fights which the people shall fight at the command of despots,

resemble the blows that two friends, excited by a perfidious instigator,

inflict on each other in darkness. When light arrives, they throw down

their arms, embrace, and chastise their deceiver. So will it be if, when

foreign armies are contending with ours, the light of philosophy shine

upon them. The nations will embrace in the presence of dethroned tyrants--

of the earth consoled, of Heaven satisfied."

The assembly unanimously, and with transport, passed the proposed measure,

and, on the 29th of November, sent a message to the king. Vaublanc was the

leader of the deputation. "Sire," said he to Louis XVI., "the national

assembly had scarcely glanced at the state of the nation ere it saw that

the troubles which still agitate it arise from the criminal preparations

of French emigrants. Their audacity is encouraged by German princes, who

trample under foot the treaties between them and France, and affect to

forget that they are indebted to this empire for the treaty of Westphalia,

which secured their rights and their safety. These hostile preparations,

these threats of invasion, will require armaments absorbing immense sums,

which the nation would joyfully pay over to its creditors. It is for you,

sire, to make them desist; it is for you to address to foreign powers the

language befitting the king of the French. Tell them, that wherever

preparations are permitted to be made against France, there France

recognises only foes; that we will religiously observe our oath to make no

conquests; that we offer them the good neighbourship, the inviolable

friendship of a free and powerful people; that we will respect their laws,

their customs, and their constitutions; but that we will have our own

respected! Tell them, that if princes of Germany continue to favour

preparations directed against the French, the French will carry into their

territories, not indeed fire and sword, but liberty. It is for them to

calculate the consequences of this awakening of nations."

Louis XVI. replied, that he would give the fullest consideration to the

message of the assembly; and in a few days he came in person to announce

his resolutions on the subject. They were conformable with the general

wish. The king said, amidst vehement applause, that he would cause it to

be declared to the elector of Treves and the other electors, that, unless

all gatherings and hostile preparations on the part of the French

emigrants in their states ceased before the 15th of January, he would

consider them as enemies. He added, that he would write to the emperor to

engage him, as chief of the empire, to interpose his authority for the

purpose of averting the calamities which the lengthened resistance of a

few members of the Germanic body would occasion. "If these declarations

are not heeded, then, gentlemen," said he, "it will only remain for me to

propose war--war, which a people who have solemnly renounced conquest,

never declares without necessity, but which a free and generous nation

will undertake and carry on when its honour and safety require it."

The steps taken by the king with the princes of the empire were supported

by military preparations. On the 6th of December a new minister of war

replaced Duportail; Narbonne, taken from the Feuillants, young, active,

ambitious of distinguishing himself by the triumph of his party and the

defence of the revolution, repaired immediately to the frontiers. A

hundred and fifty thousand men were placed in requisition; for this object

the assembly voted an extraordinary supply of twenty millions of francs;

three armies were formed under the command of Rochambeau, Luckner, and

Lafayette; finally, a decree was passed impeaching _Monsieur_, the count

d'Artois, and the prince de Conde as conspirators against the general

safety of the state and of the constitution. Their property was

sequestrated, and the period previously fixed on for _Monsieur's_ return

to the kingdom having expired, he was deprived of his claim to the

regency.

The elector of Treves engaged to disperse the gatherings, and not to allow

them in future. It was, however, but the shadow of a dispersion. Austria

ordered marshal Bender to defend the elector if he were attacked, and

ratified the conclusions of the diet of Ratisbon, which required the

restoration of the princes' possessions; refused to sanction any pecuniary

indemnity for the loss of their rights, and only left France the

alternative of restoring feudalism in Alsace, or war. These two measures

of the cabinet of Vienna were by no means pacific. Its troops advanced

towards the frontiers of France, and gave further proof that it would not

be safe to trust to its neutrality. It had fifty thousand men in the

Netherlands; six thousand posted in Breisgau; and thirty thousand men on

their way from Bohemia. This powerful army of observation might at any

moment be converted into an army of attack.

The assembly felt that it was urgently necessary to bring the emperor to a

decision. It looked on the electors as merely his agents, and on the

emigrants as his instruments; for the prince von Kaunitz recognised as

legitimate "the league of sovereigns united for the safety and honour of

crowns." The Girondists, therefore, wished to anticipate this dangerous

adversary, in order not to give him time for more mature preparations.

They required from him, before the 10th of February, a definite and

precise explanation of his real intentions with regard to France. They at

the same time proceeded against those ministers on whom they could not

rely in the event of war. The incapacity of Delessart, and the intrigues

of Moleville especially, gave room for attack; Narbonne was alone spared.

They were aided by the divisions of the council, which was partly

aristocratic in Bertrand de Moleville, Delessart, etc., and partly

constitutional, in Narbonne, and Cahier de Gerville, minister of the

interior. Men so opposed in character and intentions could scarcely be

expected to agree; Bertrand de Moleville had warm contests with Narbonne,

who wished his colleagues to adopt a frank, decided line of conduct, and

to make the assembly the fulcrum of the throne. Narbonne succumbed in this

struggle, and his dismissal involved the disorganization of the ministry.

The Girondists threw the blame upon Bertrand de Moleville and Delessart;

the former had the address to exonerate himself; but the latter was

brought before the high court of Orleans.

The king, intimidated by the assaults of the assembly upon the members of

his council, and more especially by the impeachment of Delessart, had no

resource but to select his new ministers from amongst the victorious

party. An alliance with the actual rulers of the revolution could alone

save liberty and the throne, by restoring concord between the assembly,

the supreme authority, and the municipality; and if this union had been

maintained, the Girondists would have effected with the court that which,

after the rupture itself, they considered they could only effect without

it. The members of the new ministry were:--minister of the marine,

Lacoste; of finance, Claviere; of justice, Duranton; of war, de Grave,

soon afterwards replaced by Servan; of foreign affairs, Dumouriez; of the

interior, Roland. The two latter were the most important and most

remarkable men in the cabinet.

Dumouriez was forty-seven years of age when the revolution began; he had

lived till then immersed in intrigue, and he retained his old habits too

closely at an epoch when he should have employed small means only to aid

great ones, instead of supplying their place. The first part of his

political life was spent in seeking those by whom he might rise: the

second, those by whom he might maintain his position. A courtier up to

1789, a constitutionalist under the first assembly, a Girondist under the

second, a Jacobin under the republic, he was eminently a man of

circumstances. But he had all the resources of great men; an enterprising

character, indefatigable activity, a ready, sure, and extensive

perception, impetuosity of action, and an extraordinary confidence of

success; he was, moreover, open, easy, witty, daring; adapted alike for

arms and for factions, full of expedients, wonderfully ready, and, in

difficult positions, versed in the art of stooping to conquer. It is true

that his great qualities were weakened by defects; he was rash, flighty,

full of inconsistency of thought and action, owing to his continual thirst

for movement and machination. But his great defect was the total absence

of a political conviction. In times of revolution, nothing can be done for

liberty or power by him who is not decidedly of one party or another, and

when he is ambitious, unless he see further than the immediate objects of

that party, and have a stronger will than his colleagues. This it was made

Cromwell; this it was made Buonaparte; while Dumouriez, the employed of

all parties, thought he could get the better of them all by intriguing. He

wanted the passion of his time: that which completes a man, and alone

enables him to sway.

Roland was the opposite of Dumouriez; his was a character which Liberty

found ready formed, as if moulded by herself. Roland had simple manners,

austere morals, tried opinions; enthusiastically attached to liberty, he

was capable of disinterestedly devoting to her cause his whole life, or of

perishing for her, without ostentation and without regret. A man worthy of

being born in a republic, but out of place in a revolution, and ill

adapted for the agitation and struggle of parties; his talents were not

superior, his temper somewhat uncompliant; he was unskilled in the

knowledge and management of men; and though laborious, well informed, and

active, he would have produced little effect but for his wife. All he

wanted she had for him; force, ability, elevation, foresight. Madame

Roland was the soul of the Gironde; it was at her house that those

brilliant and courageous men assembled to discuss the necessities and

dangers of their country; it was she who stimulated to action those whom

she saw were qualified for action, and who encouraged to the tribune those

whom she knew to be eloquent.

The court named this ministry, which was appointed during the month of

March, _le Ministere Sans-Culotte_. The first time Roland appeared at the

chateau with strings in his shoes and a round hat, contrary to etiquette,

the master of the ceremonies refused to admit him. Obliged, however, to

give way, he said, despairingly, to Dumouriez, pointing to Roland: "_Ah,

sir--no buckles in his shoes_." "Ah, sir, all is lost," replied Dumouriez,

with an air of the most sympathising gravity. Such were the trifles which

still occupied the attention of the court. The first step of the new

ministry was war. The position of France was becoming more and more

dangerous; everything was to be feared from the enmity of Europe. Leopold

was dead, and this event was calculated to accelerate the decision of the

cabinet of Vienna. His young successor, Francis II., was likely to be less

pacific or less prudent than he. Moreover, Austria was assembling its

troops, forming camps, and appointing generals; it had violated the

territory of Bale, and placed a garrison in Porentruy, to secure for

itself the entry of the department of Doubs. There could be no doubt as to

its projects. The gatherings at Coblenz had recommenced to a greater

extent than before; the cabinet of Vienna had only temporarily dispersed

the emigrants assembled in the Belgian provinces, in order to prevent the

invasion of that country, at a time when it was not yet ready to repel

invasion; it had, however, merely sought to save appearances, and had

allowed a staff of general officers, in full uniform, and with the white

cockade, to remain at Brussels. Finally, the reply of the prince von

Kaunitz to the required explanations was by no means satisfactory. He even

refused to negotiate directly, and the baron von Cobenzl was commissioned

to reply, that Austria would not depart from the required conditions

already set forth. The re-establishment of the monarchy on the basis of

the royal sitting of the 23rd of June; the restitution of its property to

the clergy; of the territory of Alsace, with all their rights, to the

German princes; of Avignon and the Venaissin to the pope; such was the

_ultimatum_ of Austria. All accord was now impossible; peace could no

longer be maintained. France was threatened with the fate which Holland

had just experienced, and perhaps with that of Poland. The sole question

now was whether to wait for or to initiate war, whether to profit by the

enthusiasm of the people or to allow that enthusiasm to cool. The true

author of war is not he who declares it, but he who renders it necessary.

On the 20th of April, Louis XVI. went to the assembly, attended by all his

ministers. "I come, gentlemen," said he, "to the national assembly for one

of the most important objects that can occupy the representatives of the

nation. My minister for foreign affairs will read to you the report drawn

up in our council, as to our political situation." Dumouriez then rose. He

set forth the grounds of complaint that France had against the house of

Austria; the object of the conferences of Mantua, Reichenbach and Pilnitz;

the coalition it had formed against the French revolution; its armaments

becoming more and more considerable; the open protection it afforded to

bodies of emigrants; the imperious tone and the undisguised

procrastination of its negotiations, lastly, the intolerable conditions of

its _ultimatum_; and, after a long series of considerations, founded on

the hostile conduct of the king of Hungary and Bohemia (Francis II. was

not yet elected emperor); on the urgent circumstances of the nation; on

its formally declared resolution to endure no insult, no encroachment on

its rights; on the honour and good faith of Louis XVI., the depositary of

the dignity and safety of France; he demanded war against Austria. Louis

XVI. then said, in a voice slightly tremulous: "You have heard, gentlemen,

the result of my negotiations with the court of Vienna. The conclusions of

the report are based upon the unanimous opinion of my council; I have

myself adopted them. They are conformable with the wishes often expressed

to me by the national assembly, and with the sentiments frequently

testified by bodies of citizens in different parts of the kingdom; all

prefer war, to witnessing the continuance of insult to the French people,

and danger threatening the national existence. It was my duty first to try

every means of maintaining peace. Having failed in these efforts, I now

come, according to the terms of the constitution, to propose to the

national assembly war against the king of Hungary and Bohemia." The king's

address was received with some applause, but the solemnity of the

circumstances, and the grandeur of the decision, filled every bosom with

silent and concentrated emotion. As soon as the king had withdrawn, the

assembly voted an extraordinary sitting for the evening. In that sitting

war was almost unanimously decided upon. Thus was undertaken, against the

chief of the confederate powers, that war which was protracted throughout

a quarter of a century, which victoriously established the revolution, and

which changed the whole face of Europe.

All France received the announcement with joy. War gave a new movement to

the people already so much excited. Districts, municipalities, popular

societies, wrote addresses; men were enrolled, voluntary gifts offered,

pikes forged, and the nation seemed to rise up to await Europe, or to

attack it. But enthusiasm, which ensures victory in the end, does not at

first supply the place of organization. Accordingly, at the opening of the

campaign, the regular troops were all that could be relied upon until the

new levies were trained. This was the state of the forces. The vast

frontier, from Dunkirk to Huninguen, was divided into three great military

districts. On the left, from Dunkirk to Philippeville, the army of the

north, of about forty thousand foot, and eight thousand horse, was under

the orders of marshal de Rochambeau. Lafayette commanded the army of the

centre, composed of forty-five thousand foot, and seven thousand horse,

and occupying the district between Philippeville and the lines of

Weissemberg. Lastly, the army of the Rhine, consisting of thirty-five

thousand foot, and eight thousand horse, extending from the lines of

Weissemberg to Bale, was under the command of marshal Luckner. The

frontier of the Alps and Pyrenees was confided to general Montesquiou,

whose army was inconsiderable; but this part of France was not as yet in

danger.

The marshal de Rochambeau was of opinion that it would be prudent to

remain on the defensive, and simply to guard the frontiers. Dumouriez, on

the contrary, wished to take the initiative in action, as they had done in

declaring war, so as to profit by the advantage of being first prepared.

He was very enterprising, and as, although minister of foreign affairs, he

directed the military operations, his plan was adopted. It consisted of a

rapid invasion of Belgium. This province had, in 1790, essayed to throw

off the Austrian yoke, but, after a brief victory, was subdued by superior

force. Dumouriez imagined that the Brabant patriots would favour the

attack of the French, as a means of freedom for themselves. With this

view, he combined a triple invasion. The two generals, Theobald Dillon,

and Biron, who commanded in Flanders under Rochambeau, received orders to

advance, the one with four thousand men from Lille upon Tournai--the

other, with ten thousand, from Valenciennes upon Mons. At the same time,

Lafayette, with a part of his army, quitted Metz, and advanced by forced

marches upon Namur, by Stenai, Sedan, Mezieres, and Givet. But this plan

implied in the soldiers a discipline which they had not of course as yet

acquired, and on the part of the chiefs a concert very difficult to

obtain; besides, the invading columns were not strong enough for such an

enterprise. Theobald Dillon had scarcely passed the frontier, when, on

meeting the first enemy on the 28th of April, a panic terror seized upon

the troops. The cry of _sauve qui peut_ ran through the ranks, and the

general was carried off, and massacred by his troops. Much the same thing

took place, under the same circumstances, in the corps of Biron, who was

obliged to retreat in disorder to his previous position. The sudden and

concurrent flight of these two columns must be attributed either to fear

of the enemy, on the part of troops who had never before stood fire, or to

a distrust of their leaders, or to traitors who sounded the alarm of

treachery.

Lafayette, on arriving at Bouvines, after travelling fifty leagues of bad

roads in two or three days, learnt the disasters of Valenciennes and

Lille; he at once saw that the object of the invasion had failed; and he

justly thought that the best course would be to effect a retreat.

Rochambeau complained of the precipitate and incongruous nature of the

measures which had been in the most absolute manner prescribed to him. As

he did not choose to remain a passive machine, obliged to fill, at the

will of the ministers, a post which he himself ought to have the full

direction of, he resigned. From that moment the French army resumed the

defensive. The frontier was divided into two general commands only, the

one intrusted to Lafayette, extending from the sea to Longwy, and the

other, from the Moselle to the Jura, being confided to Luckner. Lafayette

placed his left under the command of Arthur Dillon, and with his right

reached to Luckner, who had Biron as his lieutenant on the Rhine. In this

position they awaited the allies.

Meantime, the first checks increased the rupture between the Feuillants

and the Girondists. The generals ascribed them to the plans of Dumouriez,

the ministry attributed them to the manner in which its plans had been

executed by the generals, who, having been appointed by Narbonne, were of

the constitutional party. The Jacobins, on the other hand, accused the

anti-revolutionists of having occasioned the flight by the cry of _sauve

qui peut!_ Their joy, which they did not conceal, the declared hope of

soon seeing the confederates in Paris, the emigrants returned, and the

ancient regime restored, confirmed these suspicions. It was thought that

the court, which had increased the household troops from eighteen hundred

to six thousand men, and these carefully selected anti-revolutionists,

acted in concert with the coalition. The public denounced, under the name

of _comite Autrichien_, a secret committee, the very existence of which

could not be proved, and mistrust was at its height.

The assembly at once took decided measures. It had entered upon the career

of war, and it was thenceforth condemned to regulate its conduct far more

with reference to the public safety than with regard to the mere justice

of the case. It resolved upon sitting permanently; it discharged the

household troops; on account of the increase of religious disturbances, it

passed a decree exiling refractory priests, so that it might not have at

the same time to combat a coalition and to appease revolts. To repair the

late defeats, and to have an army of reserve near the capital, it voted on

the 8th of June, and on the motion of the minister for war, Servan, the

formation of a camp outside Paris of twenty thousand men drawn from the

provinces. It also sought to excite the public mind by revolutionary

fetes, and began to enroll the multitude and arm them with pikes,

conceiving that no assistance could be superfluous in such a moment of

peril.

All these measures were not carried without opposition from the

constitutionalists. They opposed the establishment of the camp of twenty

thousand men, which they regarded as the army of a party directed against

the national guard and the throne. The staff of the former protested, and

the recomposition of this body was immediately effected in accordance with

the views of the dominant party. Companies armed with pikes were

introduced into the new national guard. The constitutionalists were still

more dissatisfied with this measure, which introduced a lower class into

their ranks, and which seemed to them to aim at superseding the

bourgeoisie by the populace. Finally, they openly condemned the banishment

of the priests, which in their opinion was nothing less than proscription.

Louis XVI. had for some time past manifested a coolness towards his

ministers, who on their part had been more exacting with him. They urged

him to admit about him priests who had taken the oath, in order to set an

example in favour of the constitutional religion, and to remove pretexts

for religious agitation; he steadily refused this, determined as he was to

make no further religious concession. These last decrees had put an end to

his concord with the Gironde; for several days he did not mention the

subject, much less make known his intentions respecting it. It was on this

occasion that Roland addressed to him his celebrated letter on his

constitutional duties, and entreated him to calm the public mind, and to

establish his authority, by becoming frankly the king of the revolution.

This letter still more highly irritated Louis XVI., already disposed to

break with the Girondists. He was supported in this by Dumouriez, who,

forsaking his party, had formed with Duranton and Lacoste, a division in

the ministry against Roland, Servan, and Claviere. But, able as well as

ambitious, Dumouriez advised Louis, while dismissing the ministers of whom

he had to complain, to sanction their decrees, in order to make himself

popular. He described that against the priests as a precaution in their

favour, exile probably removing them from a proscription still more fatal;

he undertook to prevent any revolutionary consequences from the camp of

twenty thousand men, by marching off each battalion to the army

immediately upon its arrival at the camp. On these conditions, Dumouriez

took upon himself the post of minister for war, and sustained the attacks

of his own party. The king dismissed his ministers on the 13th of June,

rejected the decrees on the 29th, and Dumouriez set out for the army,

after having rendered himself an object of suspicion. The assembly

declared that Roland, Servan, and Claviere carried with them the regrets

of the nation.

The king selected his new ministers from among the Feuillants. Scipio

Chambonnas was appointed minister of foreign affairs; Terrier de Monceil,

of the interior; Beaulieu, of finance; Lajarre, of war; Lacoste and

Duranton remained provisionally ministers of justice and of the marine.

All these men were without reputation or credit, and their party itself

was approaching the term of its existence. The constitutional situation,

during which it was to sway, was changing more and more decidedly into a

revolutionary situation. How could a legal and moderate party maintain

itself between two extreme and belligerent parties, one of which was

advancing from without to destroy the revolution, while the other was

resolved to defend it at any cost? The Feuillants became superfluous in

such a conjuncture. The king, perceiving their weakness, now seemed to

place his reliance upon Europe alone, and sent Mallet-Dupan on a secret

mission to the coalition.

Meantime, all those who had been outstripped by the popular tide, and who

belonged to the first period of the revolution, united to second this

slight retrograde movement. The monarchists, at whose head were Lally-

Tollendal and Malouet, two of the principal members of the Mounier and

Necker party; Feuillants, directed by the old triumvirate, Duport, Lameth,

and Barnave; lastly, Lafayette, who had immense reputation as a

constitutionalist, tried to put down the clubs, and to re-establish legal

order and the power of the king. The Jacobins made great exertions at this

period; their influence was becoming enormous; they were at the head of

the party of the populace. To oppose them, to check them, the old party of

the bourgeoisie was required; but this was disorganised, and its influence

grew daily weaker and weaker. In order to revive its courage and strength,

Lafayette, on the 16th of June, addressed from the camp at Maubeuge a

letter to the assembly, in which he denounced the Jacobin faction,

required the cessation of the clubs, the independence and confirmation of

the constitutional throne, and urged the assembly in his own name, in that

of his army, in that of all the friends of liberty, only to adopt such

measures for the public welfare as were sanctioned by law. This letter

gave rise to warm debates between the Right and Left in the assembly.

Though dictated only by pure and disinterested motives, it appeared,

coming as it did from a young general at the head of his army, a

proceeding _a la Cromwell_, and from that moment Lafayette's reputation,

hitherto respected by his opponents, became the object of attack. In fact,

considering it merely in a political point of view, this step was

imprudent. The Gironde, driven from the ministry, stopped in its measures

for the public good, needed no further goading; and, on the other hand, it

was quite undesirable that Lafayette, even for the benefit of his party,

should use his influence.

The Gironde wished, for its own safety and that of the nation, to recover

power, without, however, departing from constitutional means. Its object

was not, as at a later period, to dethrone the king, but to bring him back

amongst them. For this purpose it had recourse to the imperious petitions

of the multitude. Since the declaration of war, petitioners had appeared

in arms at the bar of the national assembly, had offered their services in

defence of the country, and had obtained permission to march armed through

the house. This concession was blameable, neutralizing all the laws

against military gatherings; but both parties found themselves in an

extraordinary position, and each employed illegal means; the court having

recourse to Europe, and the Gironde to the people. The latter was in a

state of great agitation. The leaders of the Faubourgs, among whom were

the deputy Chabot, Santerre, Legendre, a butcher, Gonchon, the marquis de

Saint Hurugue, prepared them, during several days, for a revolutionary

outbreak, similar to the one which failed at the Champ de Mars. The 20th

of June was approaching, the anniversary of the oath of the Tennis-court.

Under the pretext of celebrating this memorable day by a civic fete, and

of planting a May-pole in honour of liberty, an assemblage of about eight

thousand men left the Faubourgs Saint Antoine and Saint Marceau, on the

20th of June, and took their way to the assembly.

Roederer, the recorder, brought the tidings to the assembly, but in the

meantime the mob had reached the doors of the hall. Their leaders asked

permission to present a petition, and to defile before the assembly. A

violent debate arose between the Right, who were unwilling to admit the

armed petitioners, and the Left, who, on the ground of custom, wished to

receive them, Vergniaud declared that the assembly would violate every

principle by admitting armed bands among them; but, considering actual

circumstances, he also declared that it was impossible to deny a request

in the present case, that had been granted in so many others. It was

difficult not to yield to the desires of an enthusiastic and vast

multitude, when seconded by a majority of the representatives. The crowd

already thronged the passages, when the assembly decided that the

petitioners should be admitted to the bar. The deputation was introduced.

The spokesman expressed himself in threatening language. He said that the

people were astir; that they were ready to make use of great means--the

means comprised in the declaration of rights, _resistance of oppression_;

that the dissentient members of the assembly, if there were any, _would

purge the world of liberty_, and would repair to Coblentz; then returning

to the true design of this insurrectional petition, he added: "The

executive power is not in union with you; we require no other proof of it

than the dismissal of the patriot ministers. It is thus, then, that the

happiness of a free nation shall depend on the caprice of a king! But

should this king have any other will than that of the law? The people will

have it so, and the life of the people is as valuable as that of crowned

despots. That life is the genealogical tree of the nation, and the feeble

reed must bend before this sturdy oak! We complain, gentlemen, of the

inactivity of our armies; we require of you to penetrate into the cause of

this; if it spring from the executive power, let that power be destroyed!"

The assembly answered the petitioners that it would take their request

into consideration; it then urged them to respect the law and legal

authorities, and allowed them to defile before it. This procession,

amounting to thirty thousand persons, comprising women, children, national

guards, and men armed with pikes, among whom waved revolutionary banners

and symbols, sang, as they traversed the hall, the famous chorus, _Ca

ira_, and cried: "Vive la nation!" "Vivent les sans-culottes!" "A bas le

veto!" It was led by Santerre and the marquis de Saint Hurugue. On leaving

the assembly, it proceeded to the chateau, headed by the petitioners.

The outer doors were opened at the king's command; the multitude rushed

into the interior. They ascended to the apartments, and while forcing the

doors with hatchets, the king ordered them to be opened, and appeared

before them, accompanied by a few persons. The mob stopped a moment before

him; but those who were outside, not being awed by the presence of the

king, continued to advance. Louis XVI. was prudently placed in the recess

of a window. He never displayed more courage than on this deplorable day.

Surrounded by national guards, who formed a barrier against the mob,

seated on a chair placed on a table, that he might breathe more freely and

be seen by the people, he preserved a calm and firm demeanour. In reply to

the cries that arose on all sides for the sanction of the decrees, he

said: "This is neither the mode nor the moment to obtain it of me." Having

the courage to refuse the essential object of the meeting, he thought he

ought not to reject a symbol, meaningless for him, but in the eyes of the

people, that of liberty; he placed on his head a red cap presented to him

on the top of a pike. The multitude were quite satisfied with this

condescension. A moment or two afterwards, they loaded him with applause,

as, almost suffocated with hunger and thirst, he drank off, without

hesitation, a glass of wine presented to him by a half-drunken workman. In

the meantime, Vergniaud, Isnard, and a few deputies of the Gironde, had

hastened thither to protect the king, to address the people, and put an

end to these indecent scenes. The assembly, which had just risen from a

sitting, met again in haste, terrified at this outbreak, and despatched

several successive deputations to Louis XVI. by way of protection. At

length, Petion, the mayor, himself arrived; he mounted a chair, harangued

the people, urged them to retire without tumult, and the people obeyed.

These singular insurgents, whose only aim was to obtain decrees and

ministers, retired without having exceeded their mission, but without

discharging it.

The events of the 20th of June excited the friends of the constitution

against its authors. The violation of the royal residence, the insults

offered to Louis XVI., the illegality of a petition presented amidst the

violence of the multitude, and the display of arms, were subjects of

serious censure against the popular party. The latter saw itself reduced

for a moment to the defensive; besides being guilty of a riot, it had

undergone a complete check. The constitutionalists assumed the tone and

superiority of an offended and predominant party; but this lasted only a

short time, for they were not seconded by the court. The national guard

offered to Louis XVI. to remain assembled round his person; the duc de la

Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, who commanded at Rouen, wished to convey him to

his troops, who were devoted to his cause. Lafayette proposed to take him

to Compiegne, and place him at the head of his army; but Louis XVI.

declined all these offers. He conceived that the agitators would be

disgusted at the failure of their last attempt; and, as he hoped for

deliverance from the coalition of European powers, rendered more active by

the events of the 20th of June, he was unwilling to make use of the

constitutionalists, because he would have been obliged to treat with them.

Lafayette, however, attempted to make a last effort in favour of legal

monarchy. After having provided for the command of his army, and collected

addresses protesting against the late events, he started for Paris, and on

the 28th of June he unexpectedly presented himself at the bar of the

assembly. He required in his name, as well as in that of his army, the

punishment of the insurrectionists of the 20th of June, and the

destruction of the Jacobin party. His proceeding excited various

sentiments in the assembly. The Right warmly applauded it, but the Left

protested against his conduct. Guadet proposed that an inquiry should be

made as to his culpability in leaving his army and coming to dictate laws

to the assembly. Some remains of respect prevented the latter from

following Guadet's advice; and after tumultuous debates, Lafayette was

admitted to the honours of the sitting, but this was all on the part of

the assembly. Lafayette then turned to the national guard, that had so

long been devoted to him, and hoped with its aid to close the clubs,

disperse the Jacobins, restore to Louis XVI. the authority which the law

gave him, and again establish the constitution. The revolutionists were

astounded, and dreaded everything from the daring and activity of this

adversary of the Champ de Mars. But the court, which feared the triumph of

the constitutionalists, caused Lafayette's projects to fail; he had

appointed a review, which it contrived to prevent by its influence over

the officers of the royalist battalions. The grenadiers and chasseurs,

picked companies still better disposed than the rest, were to assemble at

his residence and proceed against the clubs; scarcely thirty men came.

Having thus vainly attempted to rally in the cause of the constitution,

and the common defence, the court and the national guard, and finding

himself deserted by those he came to assist, Lafayette returned to his

army, after having lost what little influence and popularity remained to

him. This attempt was the last symptom of life in the constitutional

party.

The assembly naturally returned to the situation of France, which had not

changed. The extraordinary commission of twelve presented, through

Pastoret, an unsatisfactory picture of the state and divisions of party.

Jean Debry, in the name of the same commission, proposed that the assembly

should secure the tranquillity of the people, now greatly disturbed, by

declaring that when the crisis became imminent, the assembly would declare

_the country is in danger_; and that it would then take measures for the

public safety. The debate opened upon this important subject. Vergniaud,

in a speech which deeply moved the assembly, drew a vivid picture of all

the perils to which the country was at that moment exposed. He said that

it was in the name of the king that the emigrants were assembled, that the

sovereigns of Europe had formed a coalition, that foreign armies were

marching on our frontiers, and that internal disturbances were taking

place. He accused him of checking the national zeal by his refusals, and

of giving France up to the coalition. He quoted the article of the

constitution by which it was declared that "if the king placed himself at

the head of an army and directed its force against the nation, or if he

did not formally oppose such an enterprise, undertaken in his name, he

should be considered as having abdicated the throne." Supposing, then,

that Louis XVI. voluntarily opposed the means of defending the country, in

that case, said he: "have we not a right to say to him: 'O king, who

thought, no doubt, with the tyrant Lysander, that truth was of no more

worth than falsehood, and that men were to be amused by oaths, as children

are diverted by toys; who only feigned obedience to the laws that you

might better preserve the power that enables you to defy them; and who

only feigned love for the constitution that it might not precipitate you

from the throne on which you felt bound to remain in order to destroy the

constitution, do you expect to deceive us by hypocritical protestations?

Do you think to deceive us as to our misfortunes by the art of your

excuses? Was it defending us to oppose to foreign soldiers forces whose

known inferiority admitted of no doubt as to their defeat? To set aside

projects for strengthening the interior? Was it defending us not to check

a general who was violating the constitution, while you repressed the

courage of those who sought to serve it? Did the constitution leave you

the choice of ministers for our happiness or our ruin? Did it place you at

the head of our army for our glory or our shame? Did it give you the right

of sanction, a civil list and so many prerogatives, constitutionally to

lose the empire and the constitution? No! no! man! whom the generosity of

the French could not affect, whom the love of despotism alone actuates,

you are now nothing to the constitution you have so unworthily violated,

and to the people you have so basely betrayed!'"

The only resource of the Gironde, in its present situation, was the

abdication of the king; Vergniaud, it is true, as yet only expressed

himself ambiguously, but all the popular party attributed to Louis XVI.

projects which Vergniaud had only expressed in the form of suppositions.

In a few days, Brissot expressed himself more openly. "Our peril," said

he, "exceeds all that past ages have witnessed. The country is in danger,

not because we are in want of troops, not because those troops want

courage, or that our frontiers are badly fortified, and our resources

scanty. No, it is in danger, because its force is paralysed. And who has

paralysed it? A man--one man, the man whom the constitution has made its

chief, and whom perfidious advisers have made its foe. You are told to

fear the kings of Hungary and Prussia; I say, the chief force of these

kings is at the court, and it is there that we must first conquer them.

They tell you to strike the dissentient priests throughout the kingdom. I

tell you to strike at the Tuileries, that is, to fell all the priests with

a single blow; you are told to prosecute all factious and intriguing

conspirators; they will all disappear if you once knock loud enough at the

door of the cabinet of the Tuileries, for that cabinet is the point to

which all these threads tend, where every scheme is plotted, and whence

every impulse proceeds. The nation is the plaything of this cabinet. This

is the secret of our position, this is the source of the evil, and here

the remedy must be applied."

In this way the Gironde prepared the assembly for the question of

deposition. But the great question concerning the danger of the country

was first terminated. The three united committees declared that it was

necessary to take measures for the public safety, and on the 5th July the

assembly pronounced the solemn declaration: _Citizens, the country is in

danger!_ All the civil authorities immediately established themselves _en

surveillance permanente_. All citizens able to bear arms, and having

already served in the national guard, were placed in active service; every

one was obliged to make known what arms and ammunition he possessed; pikes

were given to those who were unable to procure guns; battalions of

volunteers were enrolled on the public squares, in the midst of which

banners were placed, bearing the words--"Citizens, the country is in

danger!" and a camp was formed at Soissons. These measures of defence, now

become indispensable, raised the revolutionary enthusiasm to the highest

pitch. It was especially observable on the anniversary of the 14th of

July, when the sentiments of the multitude and the federates from the

departments were manifested without reserve. Petion was the object of the

people's idolatry, and had all the honours of the federation. A few days

before, he had been dismissed, on account of his conduct on the 20th of

June by the directory of the department and the council; but the assembly

had restored him to his functions, and the only cry on the day of the

federation was: "_Petion or death!_" A few battalions of the national

guard, such as that of the Filles-Saint-Thomas, still betrayed attachment

to the court; they became the object of popular resentment and mistrust. A

disturbance was excited in the Champs Elysees between the grenadiers of

the Filles-Saint-Thomas and the federates of Marseilles, in which some

grenadiers were wounded. Every day the crisis became more imminent; the

party in favour of war could no longer endure that of the constitution.

Attacks against Lafayette multiplied; he was censured in the journals,

denounced in the assembly. At length hostilities began. The club of the

Feuillants was closed; the grenadier and chasseur companies of the

national guard which formed the force of the bourgeoisie were disbanded;

the soldiers of the line, and a portion of the Swiss, were sent away from

Paris, and open preparations were made for the catastrophe of the 10th of

August.

The progress of the Prussians and the famous manifesto of Brunswick

contributed to hasten this movement. Prussia had joined Austria and the

German princes against France. This coalition, to which the court of Turin

joined itself, was formidable, though it did not comprise all the powers

that were to have joined it at first. The death of Gustavus, appointed at

first commander of the invading army, detached Sweden; the substitution of

the count d'Aranda, a prudent and moderate man, for the minister Florida-

Blanca, prevented Spain from entering it; Russia and England secretly

approved the attacks of the European league, without as yet co-operating

with it. After the military operations already mentioned, they watched

each other rather than fought. During the interval, Lafayette had inspired

his army with good habits of discipline and devotedness; and Dumouriez,

stationed under Luckner at the camp of Maulde, had inured the troops

confided to him by petty engagements and daily successes. In this way they

had formed the nucleus of a good army; a desirable thing, as they required

organization and confidence to repel the approaching invasion of the

coalesced powers.

The duke of Brunswick directed it. He had the chief command of the enemy's

army, composed of seventy thousand Prussians, and sixty-eight thousand

Austrians, Hessians, or emigrants. The plan of invasion was as follows:--

The duke of Brunswick with the Prussians, was to pass the Rhine at

Coblentz, ascend the left bank of the Moselle, attack the French frontier

by its central and most accessible point, and advance on the capital by

way of Longwy, Verdun, and Chalons. The prince von Hohenlohe on his left,

was to advance in the direction of Metz and Thionville, with the Hessians

and a body of emigrants; while general Clairfayt, with the Austrians and

another body of emigrants, was to overthrow Lafayette, stationed before

Sedan and Mezieres, cross the Meuse, and march upon Paris by Rheims and

Soissons. Thus the centre and two wings were to make a concentrated

advance on the capital from the Moselle, the Rhine, and the Netherlands.

Other detachments stationed on the frontier of the Rhine and the extreme

northern frontier, were to attack our troops on these sides and facilitate

the central invasion.

On the 26th of July, when the army began to move from Coblentz, the duke

of Brunswick published a manifesto in the name of the emperor and the king

of Prussia. He reproached _those who had usurped the reins of

administration in France_, with having disturbed order and overturned the

legitimate government; with having used daily-renewed violence against the

king and his family; with having arbitrarily suppressed the rights and

possessions of the German princes in Alsace and Lorraine; and, finally,

with having crowned the measure by declaring an unjust war against his

majesty the emperor, and attacking his provinces in the Netherlands. He

declared that the allied sovereigns were advancing to put an end to

anarchy in France, to arrest the attacks made on the altar and the throne;

to restore to the king the security and liberty he was deprived of, and to

place him in a condition to exercise his legitimate authority. He

consequently rendered the national guard and the authorities responsible

for all the disorders that should arise until the arrival of the troops of

the coalition. He summoned them to return to their ancient fidelity. He

said that the inhabitants of towns, _who dared to stand on the defensive_,

should instantly be punished as rebels, with the rigour of war, and their

houses demolished or burned; that if the city of Paris did not restore the

king to full liberty, and render him due respect, the princes of the

coalition would make the members of the national assembly, of the

department, of the district, the corporation, and the national guard,

personally responsible with their heads, to be tried by martial-law, and

without hope of pardon; and that if the chateau were attacked or insulted,

the princes would inflict an exemplary and never-to-be-forgotten

vengeance, by delivering Paris over to military execution, and total

subversion. He promised, on the other hand, if the inhabitants of Paris

would promptly obey the orders of the coalition, to secure for them the

mediation of the allied princes with Louis XVI. for the pardon of their

offences and errors.

This fiery and impolitic manifesto, which disguised neither the designs of

the emigrants nor those of Europe, which treated a great nation with a

truly extraordinary tone of command and contempt, which openly announced

to it all the miseries of an invasion, and, moreover, vengeance and

despotism, excited a national insurrection. It more than anything else

hastened the fall of the throne, and prevented the success of the

coalition. There was but one wish, one cry of resistance, from one end of

France to the other; and whoever had not joined in it, would have been

looked on as guilty of impiety towards his country and the sacred cause of

its independence. The popular party, placed in the necessity of

conquering, saw no other way than that of annihilating the power of the

king, and in order to annihilate it, than that of dethroning him. But in

this party, every one wished to attain the end in his own way: the Gironde

by a decree of the assembly; the leaders of the multitude by an

insurrection. Danton, Robespierre, Camille Desmoulins, Fabre-d'Eglantine,

Marat, etc., were a displaced faction requiring a revolution that would

raise it from the midst of the people to the assembly and the corporation.

They were the true leaders of the new movement about to take place by the

means of the lower class of society against the middle class, to which the

Girondists belonged by their habits and position. A division arose from

that day between those who only wished to suppress the court in the

existing order of things, and those who wished to introduce the multitude.

The latter could not fall in with the tardiness of discussion. Agitated by

every revolutionary passion, they disposed themselves for an attack by

force of arms, the preparations for which were made openly, and a long

time beforehand.

Their enterprise had been projected and suspended several times. On the

26th of July, an insurrection was to break out; but it was badly

contrived, and Petion prevented it. When the federates from Marseilles

arrived, on their way to the camp at Soissons, the faubourgs were to meet

them, and then repair, unexpectedly, to the chateau. This insurrection

also failed. Yet the arrival of the Marseillais encouraged the agitators

of the capital, and conferences were held at Charenton between them and

the federal leaders for the overthrow of the throne. The sections were

much agitated; that of Mauconseil was the first to declare itself in a

state of insurrection, and notified this to the assembly. The dethronement

was discussed in the clubs, and on the 3rd of August, the mayor Petion

came to solicit it of the legislative body, in the name of the commune and

of the sections. The petition was referred to the extraordinary commission

of twelve. On the 8th, the accusation of Lafayette was discussed. Some

remains of courage induced the majority to support him, and not without

danger. He was acquitted; but all who had voted for him were hissed,

pursued, and ill treated by the people at the breaking up of the sitting.

The following day the excitement was extreme. The assembly learned by the

letters of a large number of deputies, that the day before on leaving the

house they had been ill used, and threatened with death, for voting the

acquittal of Lafayette. Vaublanc announced that a crowd had invested and

searched his house in pursuit of him. Girardin exclaimed: "Discussion is

impossible, without perfect liberty of opinion; I declare to my

constituents that I cannot deliberate if the legislative body does not

secure me liberty and safety." Vaublanc earnestly urged that the assembly

should take the strongest measures to secure respect to the law. He also

required that the federates, who were defended by the Girondists, should

be sent without delay to Soissons. During these debates the president

received a message from de Joly, minister of justice. He announced that

the mischief was at its height, and the people urged to every kind of

excess. He gave an account of those committed the evening before, not only

against the deputies, but against many other persons. "I have," said the

minister, "denounced these attacks in the criminal court; but law is

powerless; and I am impelled by honour and probity to inform you, that

without the promptest assistance of the legislative body, the government

can no longer be responsible." In the meantime, it was announced that the

section of the Quinze-vingts had declared that, if the dethronement were

not pronounced that very day, at midnight they would sound the tocsin,

would beat the generale and attack the chateau. This decision had been

transmitted to the forty-eight sections, and all had approved it, except

one. The assembly summoned the recorder of the department, who assured

them of his good-will, but his inability; and the mayor, who replied that,

at a time when the sections had resumed their sovereignty, he could only

exercise over the people the influence of persuasion. The assembly broke

up without adopting any measures.

The insurgents fixed the attack on the chateau for the morning of the 10th

of August. On the 8th, the Marseillais had been transferred from their

barracks in the Rue Blanche to the Cordeliers, with their arms, cannon,

and standard. They had received five thousand ball cartridges, which had

been distributed to them by command of the commissioner of police. The

principal scene of the insurrection was the Faubourg Saint Antoine. In the

evening, after a very stormy sitting, the Jacobins repaired thither in

procession; the insurrection was then organized. It was decided to

dissolve the department; to dismiss Petion, in order to withdraw him from

the duties of his place, and all responsibility; and, finally, to replace

the general council of the present commune by an insurrectional

municipality. Agitators repaired at the same time to the sections of the

faubourgs and to the barracks of the federate Marseillais and Bretons.

The court had been apprised of the danger for some time, and had placed

itself in a state of defence. At this juncture, it probably thought it was

not only able to resist, but also entirely to re-establish itself. The

interior of the chateau was occupied by Swiss, to the number of eight or

nine hundred, by officers of the disbanded guard, and by a troop of

gentlemen and royalists, who had offered their services, armed with

sabres, swords, and pistols. Mandat, the general-in-chief of the national

guard, had repaired to the chateau, with his staff, to defend it; he had

given orders to the battalions most attached to the constitution to take

arms. The ministers were also with the king; the recorder of the

department had gone thither in the evening at the command of the king, who

had also sent for Petion, to ascertain from him the state of Paris, and

obtain an authorization to repel force by force.

At midnight, the tocsin sounded; the generale was beaten. The insurgents

assembled, and fell into their ranks; the members of the sections broke up

the municipality, and named a provisional council of the commune, which

proceeded to the Hotel de Ville to direct the insurrection. The battalions

of the national guard, on their side, took the route to the chateau, and

were stationed in the court, or at the principal posts, with the mounted

gendarmerie; artillerymen occupied the avenues of the Tuileries, with

their pieces; while the Swiss and volunteers guarded the apartments. The

defence was in the best condition.

Some deputies, meanwhile, aroused by the tocsin, had hurried to the hall

of the legislative body, and had opened the sitting under the

presidentship of Vergniaud. Hearing that Petion was at the Tuileries, and

presuming he was detained there, and wanted to be released, they sent for

him to the bar of the assembly, to give an account of the state of Paris.

On receiving this order, he left the chateau; he appeared before the

assembly, where a deputation again inquired for him, also supposing him to

be a prisoner at the Tuileries. With this deputation he returned to the

Hotel de Ville, where he was placed under a guard of three hundred men by

the new commune. The latter, unwilling to allow any other authority on

this day of disorder than the insurrectional authorities, early in the

morning sent for the commandant Mandat, to know what arrangements were

made at the chateau. Mandat hesitated to obey; yet, as he did not know

that the municipality had been changed, and as his duty required him to

obey its orders, on a second call which he received from the commune, he

proceeded to the Hotel de Ville. On perceiving new faces as he entered, he

turned pale. He was accused of authorizing the troops to fire on the

people. He became agitated, and was ordered to the Abbaye, and the mob

murdered him as he was leaving, on the steps of the Hotel de Ville. The

commune immediately conferred the command of the national guard on

Santerre.

The court was thus deprived of its most determined and influential

defender. The presence of Mandat, and the order he had received to employ

force in case of need, were necessary to induce the national guard to

fight. The sight of the nobles and royalists had lessened its zeal. Mandat

himself, previous to his departure, had urged the queen in vain to dismiss

this troop, which the constitutionalists considered as a troop of

aristocrats.

About four in the morning the queen summoned Roederer, the recorder of the

department, who had passed the night at the Tuileries, and inquired what

was to be done under these circumstances? Roederer replied, that he

thought it necessary that the king and the royal family should proceed to

the national assembly. "You propose," said Dubouchage, "to take the king

to his foes." Roederer replied, that, two days before, four hundred

members of that assembly out of six hundred, had pronounced in favour of

Lafayette; and that he had only proposed this plan as the least dangerous.

The queen then said, in a very positive tone: "Sir, we have forces here:

it is at length time to know who is to prevail, the king and the

constitution, or faction?" "In that case, madam," rejoined Roederer, "let

us see what arrangements have been made for resistance." Laschenaye, who

commanded in the absence of Mandat, was sent for. He was asked if he had

taken measures to prevent the crowd from arriving at the chateau? If he

had guarded the Carrousel? He replied in the affirmative; and, addressing

the queen, he said, in a tone of anger: "I must not allow you to remain in

ignorance, madam, that the apartments are filled with people of all kinds,

who very much impede the service, and prevent free access to the king, a

circumstance which creates dissatisfaction among the national guard."

"This is out of season," replied the queen; "I will answer for those who

are here; they will advance first or last, in the ranks, as you please;

they are ready for all that is necessary; they are sure men." They

contented themselves with sending the two ministers, Joly and Champion to

the assembly to apprise it of the danger, and ask for its assistance and

for commissioners. [Footnote: _Chronique des Cinquante Jours_, par P. L.

Roederer, a writer of the most scrupulous accuracy.]

Division already existed between the defenders of the chateau, when Louis

XVI. passed them in review at five o'clock in the morning. He first

visited the interior posts, and found them animated by the best

intentions. He was accompanied by some members of his family, and appeared

extremely sad. "I will not," he said, "separate my cause from that of good

citizens; we will save ourselves or perish together." He then descended

into the yard, accompanied by some general officers. As soon as he

arrived, they beat to arms. The cry of "Vive le roi!" was heard, and was

repeated by the national guard; but the artillerymen, and the battalion of

the Croix Rouge replied by the cry of "Vive la nation!" At the same

instant, new battalions, armed with guns and pikes, defiled before the

king, and took their places upon the terrace of the Seine, crying; "Vive

la nation!" "Vive Petion!" The king continued the review, not, however,

without feeling saddened by this omen. He was received with the strongest

evidences of devotion by the battalions of the Filles-Saint-Thomas, and

Petits-Peres, who occupied the terrace, extending the length of the

chateau. As he crossed the garden to visit the ports of the Pont Tournant,

the pike battalions pursued him with the cry of: "Down with the veto!"

"Down with the traitor!" and as he returned, they quitted their position,

placed themselves near the Pont Royal, and turned their cannon against the

chateau. Two other battalions stationed in the courts imitated them, and

established themselves on the Place du Carrousel in an attitude of attack.

On re-entering the chateau, the king was pale and dejected; and the queen

said, "All is lost! This kind of review has done more harm than good."

While all this was passing at the Tuileries, the insurgents were advancing

in several columns; they had passed the night in assembling, and becoming

organized. In the morning, they had forced the arsenal, and distributed

the arms. The column of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine, about fifteen thousand

strong, and that of the Faubourg Saint Marceau, amounting to five

thousand, began to march about six. The crowd increased as they advanced.

Artillerymen had been placed on the Pont Neuf by the directory of the

department, in order to prevent the union of the insurgents from the two

sides of the river. But Manuel, the town clerk, had ordered them to be

withdrawn, and the passage was accordingly free. The vanguard of the

Faubourgs, composed of Marseillais and Breton federates, had already

arrived by the Rue Saint Honore, stationed themselves in battle array on

the Carrousel, and turned their cannon against the chateau. De Joly and

Champion returned from the assembly, stating that the attendance was not

sufficient in number to debate; that it scarcely amounted to sixty or

eighty members, and that their proposition had not been heard. Then

Roederer, the recorder of the department, with the members of the

department, presented himself to the crowd, observing that so great a

multitude could not have access to the king, or to the national assembly,

and recommending them to nominate twenty deputies, and entrust them with

their requests. But they did not listen to him. He turned to the national

guard, reminded them of the article of the law, which enjoined them when

attacked, to repel force by force. A very small part of the national guard

seemed disposed to do so; and a discharge of cannon was the only reply of

the artillerymen. Roederer, seeing that the insurgents were everywhere

triumphant, that they were masters of the field, and that they disposed of

the multitude, and even of the troops, returned hastily to the chateau, at

the head of the executive directory.

The king held a council with the queen and ministers. A municipal officer

had just given the alarm by announcing that the columns of the insurgents

were advancing upon the Tuileries. "Well, and what do they want?" asked

Joly, keeper of the seals. "Abdication," replied the officer. "To be

pronounced by the assembly," added the minister. "And what will follow

abdication?" inquired the queen. The municipal officer bowed in silence.

At this moment Roederer arrived, and increased the alarm of the court by

announcing that the danger was extreme; that the insurgents would not be

treated with, and that the national guard could not be depended upon.

"Sire," said he, urgently, "your majesty has not five minutes to lose:

your only safety is in the national assembly; it is the opinion of the

department that you ought to repair thither without delay. There are not

sufficient men in the court to defend the chateau; nor are we sure of

them. At the mention of defence, the artillerymen discharged their

cannon." The king replied, at first, that he had not observed many people

on the Carrousel; and the queen rejoined with vivacity, that the king had

forces to defend the chateau. But, at the renewed urgency of Roederer, the

king after looking at him attentively for a few minutes, turned to the

queen, and said, as he rose: "Let us go." "Monsieur Roederer," said Madame

Elizabeth, addressing the recorder, "you answer for the life of the king?"

"Yes, madame, with my own," he replied. "I will walk immediately before

him."

Louis XVI. left his chamber with his family, ministers, and the members of

the department, and announced to the persons assembled for the defence of

the chateau that he was going to the national assembly. He placed himself

between two ranks of national guards, summoned to escort him, and crossed

the apartments and garden of the Tuileries. A deputation of the assembly,

apprised of his approach, came to meet him: "Sire," said the president of

this deputation, "the assembly, eager to provide for your safety, offers

you and your family an asylum in its bosom." The procession resumed its

march, and had some difficulty in crossing the terrace of the Tuileries,

which was crowded with an animated mob, breathing forth threats and

insults. The king and his family had great difficulty in reaching the hall

of the assembly, where they took the seats reserved for the ministers.

"Gentlemen," said the king, "I come here to avoid a great crime; I think I

cannot be safer than with you." "Sire," replied Vergniaud, who filled the

chair, "you may rely on the firmness of the national assembly. Its members

have sworn to die in maintaining the rights of the people, and the

constituted authorities." The king then took his seat next the president.

But Chabot reminded him that the assembly could not deliberate in the

presence of the king, and Louis XVI. retired with his family and ministers

into the reporter's box behind the president, whence all that took place

could be seen and heard.

All motives for resistance ceased with the king's departure. The means of

defence had also been diminished by the departure of the national guards

who escorted the king. The gendarmerie left their posts, crying "Vive la

nation!" The national guard began to move in favour of the insurgents. But

the foes were confronted, and, although the cause was removed, the combat

nevertheless commenced. The column of the insurgents surrounded the

chateau. The Marseillais and Bretons who occupied the first rank had just

forced the Porte Royale on the Carrousel, and entered the court of the

chateau. They were led by an old subaltern, called Westermann, a friend of

Danton, and a very daring man. He ranged his force in battle array, and

approaching the artillerymen, induced them to join the Marseillais with

their pieces. The Swiss filled the windows of the chateau, and stood

motionless. The two bodies confronted each other for some time without

making an attack. A few of the assailants advanced amicably, and the Swiss

threw some cartridges from the windows in token of peace. They penetrated

as far as the vestibule, where they were met by other defenders of the

chateau. A barrier separated them. Here the combat began, but it is

unknown on which side it commenced. The Swiss discharged a murderous fire

on the assailants, who were dispersed. The Place du Carrousel was cleared.

But the Marseillais and Bretons soon returned with renewed force; the

Swiss were fired on by the cannon, and surrounded. They kept their posts

until they received orders from the king to cease firing. The exasperated

mob did not cease, however, to pursue them, and gave itself up to the most

sanguinary reprisals. It now became a massacre rather than a combat; and

the crowd perpetrated in the chateau all the excesses of victory.

All this time the assembly was in the greatest alarm. The first cannonade

filled them with consternation. As the firing became more frequent, the

agitation increased. At one moment, the members considered themselves

lost. An officer entering the hall, hastily exclaimed: "To your places,

legislators; we are forced!" A few rose to go out. "No, no," cried others,

"this is our post." The spectators in the gallery exclaimed instantly,

"Vive l'assemblee nationale!" and the assembly replied, "Vive la nation!"

Shouts of victory were then heard without, and the fate of monarchy was

decided.

The assembly instantly made a proclamation to restore tranquillity, and

implore the people to respect justice, their magistrates, the rights of

man, liberty, and equality. But the multitude and their chiefs had all the

power in their hands, and were determined to use it. The new municipality

came to assert its authority. It was preceded by three banners, inscribed

with the words, "Patrie, liberte, egalite." Its address was imperious, and

concluded by demanding the deposition of the king, and a national

convention. Deputations followed, and all expressed the same desire, or

rather issued the same command.

The assembly felt itself compelled to yield; it would not, however, take

upon itself the deposition of the king. Vergniaud ascended the tribune, in

the name of the commission of twelve, and said: "I am about to propose to

you a very rigorous measure; I appeal to the affliction of your hearts to

judge how necessary it is to adopt it immediately." This measure consisted

of the convocation of a national assembly, the dismissal of the ministers,

and the suspension of the king. The assembly adopted it unanimously. The

Girondist ministers were recalled; the celebrated decrees were carried

into execution, about four thousand non-juring priests were exiled, and

commissioners were despatched to the armies to make sure of them. Louis

XVI., to whom the assembly had at first assigned the Luxembourg as a

residence, was transferred as a prisoner to the Temple, by the all-

powerful commune, under the pretext that it could not otherwise be

answerable for the safety of his person. Finally, the 23rd of September

was appointed for opening the extraordinary assembly, destined to decide

the fate of royalty. But royalty had already fallen on the 10th of August,

that day marked by the insurrection of the multitude against the middle

classes and the constitutional throne, as the 14th of July had seen the

insurrection of the middle class against the privileged class and the

absolute power of the crown. On the 10th of August began the dictatorial

and arbitrary epoch of the revolution. Circumstances becoming more and

more difficult to encounter, a vast warfare arose, requiring still greater

energy than ever, and that energy irregular, because popular, rendered the

domination of the lower class restless, cruel, and oppressive. The nature

of the question was then entirely changed; it was no longer a matter of

liberty, but of public safety; and the conventional period, from the end

of the constitution of 1791, to the time when the constitution of the year

III. established the directory, was only a long campaign of the revolution

against parties and against Europe. It was scarcely possible it should be

otherwise. "The revolutionary movement once established," says M. de

Maistre, in his _Considerations sur la France._ [Footnote: Lausanne,

1796.] "France and the monarchy could only be saved by Jacobinism. Our

grandchildren, who will care little for our sufferings, and will dance on

our graves, will laugh at our present ignorance; they will easily console

themselves for the excesses we have witnessed, and which will have

preserved the integrity of the finest of kingdoms."

The departments adhered to the events of the 10th of August. The army,

which shortly afterwards came under the influence of the revolution, was

at yet of constitutional royalist principles; but as the troops were

subordinate to parties, they would easily submit to the dominant opinion.

The generals, second in rank, such as Dumouriez, Custines, Biron,

Kellermann, and Labourdonnaie, were disposed to adopt the last changes.

They had not yet declared for any particular party, looking to the

revolution as a means of advancement. It was not the same with the two

generals in chief. Luckner floated undecided between the insurrection of

the 10th of August, which he termed, "a little accident that had happened

to Paris and his friend, Lafayette." The latter, head of the

constitutional party, firmly adhering to his oaths, wished still to defend

the overturned throne, and a constitution which no longer existed. He

commanded about thirty thousand men, who were devoted to his person and

his cause. His head-quarters were near Sedan. In his project of resistance

in favour of the constitution, he concerted with the municipality of that

town, and the directory of the department of Ardennes, to establish a

civil centre round which all the departments might rally. The three

commissioners, Kersaint, Antonelle, and Peraldy, sent by the legislature

to his army, were arrested and imprisoned in the tower of Sedan. The

reason assigned for this measure was, that the assembly having been

intimidated, the members who had accepted such a mission were necessarily

but the leaders or instruments of the faction which had subjugated the

national assembly and the king. The troops and the civil authorities then

renewed their oath to the constitution, and Lafayette endeavoured to

enlarge the circle of the insurrection of the army against the popular

insurrection.

General Lafayette at that moment thought, possibly, too much on the past,

on the law, and the common oath, and not enough on the really

extraordinary position in which France then was. He only saw the dearest

hopes of the friends of liberty destroyed, the usurpation of the state by

the multitude, and the anarchical reign of the Jacobins; he did not

perceive the fatality of a situation which rendered the triumph of the

latest comer in the revolution indispensable. It was scarcely possible

that the bourgeoisie, which had been strong enough to overthrow the old

system and the privileged classes, but which had reposed after that

victory, could resist the emigrants and all Europe. For this a new shock,

a new faith were necessary; there was need of a numerous, ardent,

inexhaustible class, as enthusiastic for the 10th of August, as the

bourgeoisie had been for the 14th of July. Lafayette could not associate

with this party; he had combated it, under the constituent assembly, at

the Champ de Mars, before and after the 20th of June. He could not

continue to play his former part, nor defend a cause just in itself, but

condemned by events, without compromising his country, and the results of

a revolution to which he was sincerely attached. His resistance, if

continued, would have given rise to a civil war between the people and the

army, at a time when it was not certain that the combination of all

parties would suffice against a foreign war.

It was the 19th of August, and the army of invasion having left Coblentz

on the 30th of July, was ascending the Moselle, and advancing on that

frontier. In consideration of the common danger, the troops were disposed

to resume their obedience to the assembly; Luckner, who at first approved

of Lafayette's views, retracted, weeping and swearing, before the

municipality of Metz; and Lafayette himself saw the necessity of yielding

to a more powerful destiny. He left his army, taking upon himself all the

responsibility of the whole insurrection. He was accompanied by Bureau-de-

Pusy, Latour-Maubourg, Alexander Lameth, and some officers of his staff.

He proceeded through the enemy's posts towards Holland, intending to go to

the United States, his adopted country. But he was discovered and arrested

with his companions. In violation of the rights of nations, he was treated

as a prisoner of war, and confined first in the dungeons of Magdeburg, and

then by the Austrians at Olmuetz. The English parliament itself took steps

in his favour; but it was not until the treaty of Campo-Formio that

Bonaparte released him from prison. During four years of the hardest

captivity, subject to every description of privation, kept in ignorance of

the state of his country and of liberty, with no prospect before him but

that of perpetual and harsh imprisonment, he displayed the most heroic

courage. He might have obtained his liberty by making certain

retractations, but he preferred remaining buried in his dungeon to

abandoning in the least degree the sacred cause he had embraced.

There have been in our day few lives more pure than Lafayette's; few

characters more beautiful; few men whose popularity has been more justly

won and longer maintained. After defending liberty in America at the side

of Washington, he desired to establish it in the same manner in France;

but this noble part was impossible in our revolution. When a people in the

pursuit of liberty has no internal dissension, and no foes but foreigners,

it may find a deliverer; may produce, in Switzerland a William Tell, in

the Netherlands a prince of Orange, in America a Washington; but when it

pursues it against its own countrymen and foreigners, at once amidst

factions and battles, it can only produce a Cromwell or a Bonaparte, who

become the dictators of revolutions when the struggle subsides and parties

are exhausted. Lafayette, an actor in the first epoch of the crisis,

enthusiastically declared for its results. He became the general of the

middle class, at the head of the national guard under the constituent

assembly, in the army under the legislative assembly. He had risen by it,

and he would end with it. It may be said of him, that if he committed some

faults of position, he had ever but one object, liberty, and that he

employed but one means, the law. The manner in which, when yet quite

young, he devoted himself to the deliverance of the two worlds, his

glorious conduct and his invariable firmness, will transmit his name with

honour to posterity, with whom a man cannot have two reputations, as in

the time of party, but his own alone.

The authors of the events of the 10th of August became more and more

divided, having no common views as to the results which should arise from

that revolution. The more daring party, which had got hold of the commune

or municipality, wished by means of that commune to rule Paris; by means

of Paris, the national assembly; and by means of the assembly, France.

After having effected the transference of Louis XVI. to the Temple, it

threw down all the statues of the kings, and destroyed all the emblems of

the monarchy. The department exercised a right of superintendence over the

municipality; to be completely independent, it abrogated this right. The

law required certain conditions to constitute a citizen; it decreed the

cessation of these, in order that the multitude might be introduced into

the government of the state. At the same time, it demanded the

establishment of an extraordinary tribunal to try _the conspirators of the

10th of August_. As the assembly did not prove sufficiently docile, and

endeavoured by proclamations to recall the people to more just and

moderate sentiments, it received threatening messages from the Hotel de

Ville. "As a citizen," said a member of the commune, "as a magistrate of

the people, I come to announce to you that this evening, at midnight, the

tocsin will sound, the drum beat to arms. The people are weary of not

being avenged; tremble lest they administer justice themselves." "If,

before two or three hours pass, the foreman of the jury be not named,"

said another, "and if the jury be not itself in a condition to act, great

calamities will befall Paris." To avert the threatened outbreaks, the

assembly was obliged to appoint an extraordinary criminal tribunal. This

tribunal condemned a few persons, but the commune having conceived the

most terrible projects, did not consider it sufficiently expeditious.

At the head of the commune were Marat, Panis, Sergent, Duplain, Lenfent,

Lefort, Jourdeuil, Collot d'Herbois, Billaud-Varennes, Tallien, etc.; but

the chief leader of the party at that time was Danton. He, more than any

other person, had distinguished himself on the 10th of August. During the

whole of that night he had rushed about from the sections to the barracks

of the Marseillais and Bretons, and from these to the Faubourgs. A member

of the revolutionary commune, he had directed its operations, and had

afterwards been appointed minister of justice.

Danton was a gigantic revolutionist; he deemed no means censurable so they

were useful, and, according to him, men could do whatever they dared

attempt. Danton, who has been termed the Mirabeau of the populace bore a

physical resemblance to that tribune of the higher classes; he had

irregular features, a powerful voice, impetuous gesticulation, a daring

eloquence, a lordly brow. Their vices, too, were the same; only Mirabeau's

were those of a patrician, Danton's those of a democrat; that which there

was of daring in the conceptions of Mirabeau, was to be found in Danton,

but in another way, because, in the revolution, he belonged to another

class and another epoch. Ardent, overwhelmed with debts and wants, of

dissolute habits, given up now to his passions, now to his party, he was

formidable while in the pursuit of an object, but became indifferent as

soon as he had obtained it. This powerful demagogue presented a mixture of

the most opposite vices and qualities. Though he had sold himself to the

court, he did not seem sordid; he was one of those who, so to speak, give

an air of freedom even to baseness. He was an absolute exterminator,

without being personally ferocious; inexorable towards masses, humane,

generous even towards individuals. [Footnote: At the time the commune was

arranging the massacre of the 2nd September, he saved all who applied to

him; he, of his own accord, released from prison Duport, Barnave, and Ch.

Lameth, his personal antagonists.] Revolution, in his opinion, was a game

at which the conqueror, if he required it, won the life of the conquered.

The welfare of his party was, in his eyes, superior to law and even to

humanity; this will explain his endeavours after the 10th of August, and

his return to moderation when he considered the republic established.

At this period the Prussians, advancing on the plan of invasion described

above, passed the frontier, after a march of twenty days. The army of

Sedan was without a leader, and incapable of resisting a force so superior

in numbers and so much better organised. On the 20th of August, Longwy was

invested by the Prussians; on the 21st it was bombarded, and on the 24th

it capitulated. On the 30th the hostile army arrived before Verdun,

invested it, and began to bombard it. Verdun taken, the road to the

capital was open. The capture of Longwy, and the approach of so great a

danger, threw Paris into the utmost agitation and alarm. The executive

council, composed of the ministers, was summoned by the committee of

general defence, to deliberate on the best measures to be adopted in this

perilous conjuncture. Some proposed to wait for the enemy under the walls

of the capital, others to retire to Saumur. "You are not ignorant," said

Danton, when his turn to speak arrived, "that France is Paris; if you

abandon the capital to the foreigner, you surrender yourselves, and you

surrender France. It is in Paris that we must defend ourselves by every

possible means. I cannot sanction any plan tending to remove you from it.

The second project does not appear to me any better. It is impossible to

think of fighting under the walls of the capital. The 10th of August has

divided France into two parties, the one attached to royalty, the other

desiring a republic. The latter, the decided minority of which in the

state cannot be concealed, is the only one on which you can rely to fight;

the other will refuse to march; it will excite Paris in favour of the

foreigner, while your defenders, placed between two fires, will perish in

repelling him. Should they fall, which seems to me beyond a doubt, your

ruin and that of France are certain; if, contrary to all expectation, they

return victorious over the coalition, this victory will still be a defeat

for you; for it will have cost you thousands of brave men, while the

royalists, more numerous than you, will have lost nothing of their

strength and influence. It is my opinion, that to disconcert their

measures and stop the enemy, we must make the royalists fear." The

committee, at once understanding the meaning of these words, were thrown

into a state of consternation. "Yes, I tell you," resumed Danton, "we must

make them fear." As the committee rejected this proposition by a silence

full of alarm, Danton concerted with the commune. His aim was to put down

its enemies by terror, to involve the multitude more and more by making

them his accomplices, and to leave the revolution no other refuge than

victory.

Domiciliary visits were made with great and gloomy ceremony; a large

number of persons whose condition, opinions, or conduct rendered them

objects of suspicion, were thrown into prison. These unfortunate persons

were taken especially from the two dissentient classes, the nobles and the

clergy, who were charged with conspiracy under the legislative assembly.

All citizens capable of bearing arms were enrolled in the Champ de Mars,

and departed on the first of September for the frontier. The generale was

beat, the tocsin sounded, cannon were fired, and Danton, presenting

himself to the assembly to report the measures taken to save the country,

exclaimed: "The cannon you hear are no alarm cannon, but the signal for

attacking the enemy! To conquer them, to prostrate them, what is

necessary? Daring, again daring, and still again and ever daring!"

Intelligence of the taking of Verdun arrived during the night of the 1st

of September. The commune availed themselves of this moment, when Paris,

filled with terror, thought it saw the enemy already at its gates, to

execute their fearful projects. The cannon were again fired, the tocsin

sounded, the barriers were closed, and the massacre began.

During three days, the prisoners confined in the Carmes, the Abbaye, the

Conciergerie, the Force, etc., were slaughtered by a band of about three

hundred assassins, directed and paid by the commune. This body, with a

calm fanaticism, prostituting to murder the sacred forms of justice, now

judges, now executioners, seemed rather to be practising a calling than to

be exercising vengeance; they massacred without question, without remorse,

with the conviction of fanatics and the obedience of executioners. If some

peculiar circumstances seemed to move them, and to recall them to

sentiments of humanity, to justice, and to mercy, they yielded to the

impression for a moment, and then began anew. In this way a few persons

were saved; but they were very few. The assembly desired to prevent the

massacres, but were unable to do so. The ministry were as incapable as the

assembly; the terrible commune alone could order and do everything;

Petion, the mayor, had been cashiered; the soldiers placed in charge of

the prisoners feared to resist the murderers, and allowed them to take

their own course; the crowd seemed indifferent, or accomplices; the rest

of the citizens dared not even betray their consternation. We might be

astonished that so great a crime should, with such deliberation, have been

conceived, executed, and endured, did we not know what the fanaticism of

party will do, and what fear will suffer. But the chastisement of this

enormous crime fell at last upon the heads of its authors. The majority of

them perished in the storm they had themselves raised, and by the same

violent means that they had themselves employed. Men of party seldom

escape the fate they have made others undergo.

The executive council, directed, as to military operations by general

Servan, advanced the newly-levied battalions towards the frontier. As a

man of judgment, he was desirous of placing a general at the threatened

point; but the choice was difficult. Among the generals who had declared

in favour of the late political events, Kellermann seemed only adapted for

a subordinate command, and the authorities had therefore merely placed him

in the room of the vacillative and incompetent Luckner. Custine was but

little skilled in his art; he was fit for any dashing _coup de main_, but

not for the conduct of a great army intrusted with the destiny of France.

The same military inferiority was chargeable upon Biron, Labourdonnaie,

and the rest, who were therefore left at their old stations, with the

corps under their command. Dumouriez alone remained, against whom the

Girondists still retained some rancour, and in whom they, moreover,

suspected the ambitious views, the tastes, and character of an adventurer,

while they rendered justice to his superior talents. However, as he was

the only general equal to so important a position, the executive council

gave him the command of the army of the Moselle.

Dumouriez repaired in all haste from the camp at Maulde to that of Sedan.

He assembled a council of war, in which the general opinion was in favour

of retiring towards Chalons or Rheims, and covering themselves with the

Marne. Far from adopting this dangerous plan, which would have discouraged

the troops, given up Lorraine, Trois Eveches, and a part of Champagne, and

thrown open the road to Paris, Dumouriez conceived a project full of

genius. He saw that it was necessary, by a daring march, to advance on the

forest of Argonne, where he might infallibly stop the enemy. This forest

had four issues; that of the Chene-Populeux on the left; those of the

Croix-au-Bois and of Grandpre in the centre, and that of Les Islettes on

the right, which opened or closed the passage into France. The Prussians

were only six leagues from the forest, and Dumouriez had twelve to pass

over, and his design of occupying it to conceal, if he hoped for success.

He executed his project skilfully and boldly. General Dillon, advancing on

the Islettes, took possession of them with seven thousand men; he himself

reached Grandpre, and there established a camp of thirteen thousand men.

The Croix-au-Bois, and the Chene-Populeux were in like manner occupied and

defended by some troops. It was here that he wrote to the minister of war,

Servan:--"Verdun is taken; I await the Prussians. The camps of Grandpre

and Les Islettes are the Thermopylae of France; but I shall be more

fortunate than Leonidas."

In this position, Dumouriez might have stopped the enemy, and himself have

securely awaited the succours which were on their road to him from every

part of France. The various battalions of volunteers repaired to the camps

in the interior, whence they were despatched to his army, as soon as they

were at all in a state of discipline. Beurnonville, who was on the Flemish

frontier, had received orders to advance with nine thousand men, and to be

at Rhetel, on Dumouriez's left, by the 13th of September. Duval was also

on the 7th to march with seven thousand men to the Chene-Populeux; and

Kellermann was advancing from Metz, on his right, with a reinforcement of

twenty-two thousand men. Time, therefore, was all that was necessary.

The duke of Brunswick, after taking Verdun, passed the Meuse in three

columns. General Clairfait was operating on his right, and prince

Hohenlohe on his left. Renouncing all hope of driving Dumouriez from his

position by attacking him in front, he tried to turn him. Dumouriez had

been so imprudent as to place nearly his whole force at Grandpre and the

Islettes, and to put only a small corps at Chene-Populeux and Coix-au-

Bois--posts, it is true, of minor importance. The Prussians, accordingly,

seized upon these, and were on the point of turning him in his camp at

Grandpre, and of thus compelling him to lay down his arms. After this

grand blunder, which neutralized his first manoeuvres, he did not despair

of his situation. He broke up his camp secretly during the night of the

14th September, passed the Aisne, the approach to which might have been

closed to him, made a retreat as able as his advance on the Argonne had

been, and concentrated his forces in the camp at Sainte-Menehould. He had

already delayed the advance of the Prussians at Argonne. The season, as it

advanced, became bad. He had now only to maintain his post till the

arrival of Kellermann and Beurnonville, and the success of the campaign

would be certain. The troops had become disciplined and inured, and the

army amounted to about seventy thousand men, after the arrival of

Beurnonville and Kellermann, which took place on the 17th.

The Prussian army had followed the movements of Dumouriez. On the 20th, it

attacked Kellermann at Valmy, in order to cut off from the French army the

retreat on Chalons. There was a brisk cannonade on both sides. The

Prussians advanced in columns towards the heights of Valmy, to carry them.

Kellermann also formed his infantry in columns, enjoined them not to fire,

but to await the approach of the enemy, and charge them with the bayonet.

He gave this command, with the cry of _Vive la nation!_ and this cry,

repeated from one end of the line to the other, startled the Prussians

still more than the firm attitude of our troops. The duke of Brunswick

made his somewhat shaken battalions fall back; the firing continued till

the evening; the enemy attempted a fresh attack, but were repulsed. The

day was ours; and the success of Valmy, almost insignificant in itself,

produced on our troops, and upon opinion in France, the effect of the most

complete victory.

From the same epoch may be dated the discouragement and retreat of the

enemy. The Prussians had entered upon this campaign on the assurance of

the emigrants that it would be a mere military promenade. They were

without magazines or provisions; in the midst of a perfectly open country,

they encountered a resistance each day more energetic; the incessant rains

had broken up the roads; the soldiers marched knee-deep in mud, and, for

four days past, boiled corn had been their only food. Diseases, produced

by the chalky water, want of clothing, and damp, had made great ravages in

the army. The duke of Brunswick advised a retreat, contrary to the opinion

of the king of Prussia and the emigrants, who wished to risk a battle, and

get possession of Chalons. But as the fate of the Prussian monarchy

depended on its army, and the entire ruin of that army would be the

inevitable consequence of a defeat, the duke of Brunswick's opinion

prevailed. Negotiations were opened, and the Prussians, abating their

first demands, now only required the restoration of the king upon the

constitutional throne. But the convention had just assembled; the republic

had been proclaimed, and the executive council replied, "that the French

republic could listen to no proposition until the Prussian troops had

entirely evacuated the French territory." The Prussians, upon this,

commenced their retreat on the evening of the 30th of September. It was

slightly disturbed by Kellermann, whom Dumouriez sent in pursuit, while he

himself proceeded to Paris to enjoy his triumph, and concert measures for

the invasion of Belgium. The French troops re-entered Verdun and Longwy;

and the enemy, after having crossed the Ardennes and Luxembourg, repassed

the Rhine at Coblentz, towards the end of October. This campaign had been

marked by general success. In Flanders, the duke of Saxe-Teschen had been

compelled to raise the siege of Lille, after seven days of a bombardment,

contrary, both in its duration and in its useless barbarity, to all the

usages of war. On the Rhine, Custine had taken Treves, Spires, and

Mayence. In the Alps, general Montesquiou had invaded Savoy, and general

Anselme the territory of Nice. Our armies, victorious in all directions,

had everywhere assumed the offensive, and the revolution was saved.

If we were to present the picture of a state emerging from a great crisis,

and were to say: "There were in this state an absolute government whose

authority has been restricted; two privileged classes which have lost

their supremacy; a vast population, already freed by the effect of

civilization and intelligence, but without political rights, and who have

been obliged, by reason of repeated refusals, to gain these for

themselves"; if we were to add: "The government, after opposing this

revolution, submitted to it, but the privileged classes constantly opposed

it,"--the following would probably be concluded from these data:

"The government will be full of regret, the people will exhibit distrust,

and the privileged classes will attack the new order of things, each in

its own way. The nobility, unable to do so at home, from its weakness

there, will emigrate, in order to excite foreign powers, who will make

preparations for attack; the clergy, who would lose its means of action

abroad, will remain at home, where it will seek out foes to the

revolution. The people, threatened from without, in danger at home,

irritated against the emigrants who seek to arm foreign powers, against

foreign powers about to attack its independence, against the clergy, who

excite the country to insurrection, will treat as enemies clergy,

emigrants, and foreign powers. It will require first surveillance over,

then the banishment of the refractory priests; confiscation of the

property of the emigrants; war against allied Europe, in order to

forestall it. The first authors of the revolution will condemn such of

these measures as shall violate the law; the continuators of the

revolution will, on the contrary, regard them as the salvation of the

country; and discord will arise between those who prefer the constitution

to the state, and those who prefer the state to the constitution. The

monarch, induced by his interests as king, his affections and his

conscience, to reject such a course of policy, will pass for an accomplice

of the counter-revolution, because he will appear to protect it. The

revolutionists will then seek to gain over the king by intimidation, and

failing in this, will overthrow his authority."

Such was the history of the legislative assembly. Internal disturbances

led to the decree against the priests; external menaces to that against

the emigrants; the coalition of foreign powers to war against Europe; the

first defeat of our armies, to the formation of the camp of twenty

thousand. The refusal of Louis XVI. to adopt most of these decrees,

rendered him an object of suspicion to the Girondists; the dissensions

between the latter and the constitutionalists, who desired some of them to

be legislators, as in time of peace, others, enemies, as in time of war,

disunited the partisans of the revolution. With the Girondists the

question of liberty was involved in victory, and victory in the decrees.

The 20th of June was an attempt to force their acceptance; but having

failed in its effect, they deemed that either the crown or the revolution

must be renounced, and they brought on the 10th of August. Thus, but for

emigration which induced the war, but for the schism which induced the

disturbances, the king would probably have agreed to the constitution, and

the revolutionists would not have dreamed of the republic.

THE NATIONAL CONVENTION

CHAPTER VI

FROM THE 20TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1792, TO THE 21ST OF JANUARY, 1793

The convention was constituted on the 20th of September, 1792, and

commenced its deliberations on the 21st. In its first sitting it abolished

royalty, and proclaimed the republic. On the 22nd, it appropriated the

revolution to itself, by declaring it would not date from _year IV. of

Liberty_; but from _year I. of the French Republic_. After these first

measures, voted by acclamation, with a sort of rivalry in democracy and

enthusiasm in the two parties, which had become divided at the close of

the legislative assembly, the convention, instead of commencing its

labours, gave itself up to intestine quarrels. The Girondists and the

Mountain, before they established the new revolution, desired to know to

which of them it was to belong, and the enormous dangers of their position

did not divert them from this contest. They had more than ever to fear the

efforts of Europe. Austria, Prussia, and some of the German princes having

attacked France before the 10th of August, there was every reason to

believe that the other sovereigns of Europe would declare against it after

the fall of the monarchy, the imprisonment of the king, and the massacres

of September. Within, the enemies of the revolution had increased. To the

partisans of the ancient regime, of the aristocracy and clergy, were now

to be added the friends of constitutional monarchy, with whom the fate of

Louis XVI. was an object of earnest solicitude, and those who imagined

liberty impossible without order, or under the empire of the multitude.

Amidst so many obstacles and adversaries, at a moment when their strictest

union was requisite, the Gironde and the Mountain attacked each other with

the fiercest animosity. It is true that these two parties were wholly

incompatible, and that their respective leaders could not combine, so

strong and varied were the grounds of separation in their rivalry for

power, and in their designs.

Events had compelled the Girondists to become republicans. It would have

suited them far better to have remained constitutionalists. The integrity

of their purposes, their distaste for the multitude, their aversion for

violent measures, and especially the prudence which counselled them only

to attempt that which seemed possible--every circumstance made this

imperative upon them; but they had not been left free to remain what they

at first were. They had followed the bias which led them onward to the

republic, and they had gradually habituated themselves to this form of

government. They now desired it ardently and sincerely, but they felt how

difficult it would be to establish and consolidate it. They deemed it a

great and noble thing; but they felt that the men for it were wanting. The

multitude had neither the intelligence nor the virtue proper for this kind

of government. The revolution effected by the constituent assembly was

legitimate, still more because it was possible than because it was just;

it had its constitution and its citizens. But a new revolution, which

should call the lower classes to the conduct of the state, could not be

durable. It would injuriously affect too many interests, and have but

momentary defenders, the lower class being capable of sound action and

conduct in a crisis, but not for a permanency. Yet, in consenting to this

second revolution, it was this inferior class which must be looked to for

support. The Girondists did not adopt this course, and they found

themselves placed in a position altogether false; they lost the assistance

of the constitutionalists without procuring that of the democrats; they

had a hold upon neither extreme of society. Accordingly, they only formed

a half party, which was soon overthrown, because it had no root. The

Girondists, after the 10th of August, were, between the middle class and

the multitude, what the monarchists, or the Mounier and Necker party, had

been after the 24th of July, between the privileged classes and the

bourgeoisie.

The Mountain, on the contrary, desired a republic of the people. The

leaders of this party, annoyed at the credit of the Girondists, sought to

overthrow and to supersede them. They were less intelligent, and less

eloquent, but abler, more decided, and in no degree scrupulous as to

means. The extremest democracy seemed to them the best of governments, and

what they termed the people, that is, the lowest populace, was the object

of their constant adulation, and most ardent solicitude. No party was more

dangerous; most consistently it laboured for those who fought its battle.

Ever since the opening of the convention, the Girondists had occupied the

right benches, and the Mountain party the summit of the left, whence the

name by which they are designated. The Girondists were the strongest in

the assembly; the elections in the departments had generally been in their

favour. A great number of the deputies of the legislative assembly had

been re-elected, and as at that time connexion effected much, the members

who had been united with the deputation of the Gironde and the commune of

Paris before the 10th of August, returned with the same opinions. Others

came without any particular system or party, without enmities or

attachments: these formed what was then called the _Plaine_ or the

_Marais_. This party, taking no interest in the struggles between the

Gironde and the Mountain, voted with the side they considered the most

just, so long as they were allowed to be moderate; that is to say, so long

as they had no fears for themselves.

The Mountain was composed of deputies of Paris, elected under the

influence of the commune of the 10th of August, and of some very decided

republicans from the provinces; it, from time to time, increased its ranks

with those who were rendered enthusiastic by circumstances, or who were

impelled by fear. But though inferior in the convention in point of

numbers, it was none the less very powerful, even at this period. It

swayed Paris; the commune was devoted to it, and the commune had managed

to constitute itself the supreme authority in the state. The Mountain had

sought to master the departments, by endeavouring to establish an identity

of views and conduct between the municipality of Paris and the provincial

municipalities; they had not, however, completely succeeded in this, and

the departments were for the most part favourable to their adversaries,

who cultivated their good will by means of pamphlets and journals sent by

the minister Roland, whose house the Mountain called a _bureau d'esprit

public_, and whose friends they called _intrigants_. But besides this

junction of the communes, which sooner or later would take place, they

were adopted by the Jacobins. This club, the most influential as well as

the most ancient and extensive, changed its views at every crisis without

changing its name; it was a framework ready for every dominating power,

excluding all dissentients. That at Paris was the metropolis of

Jacobinism, and governed the others almost imperiously. The Mountain had

made themselves masters of it; they had already driven the Girondists from

it, by denunciation and disgust, and replaced the members taken from the

bourgeoisie by sans-culottes. Nothing remained to the Girondists but the

ministry, who, thwarted by the commune, were powerless in Paris. The

Mountain, on the contrary, disposed of all the effective force of the

capital, of the public mind by the Jacobins, of the sections and faubourgs

by the sans-culottes, of the insurrectionists by the municipality.

The first measure of parties after having decreed the republic, was to

contend with each other. The Girondists were indignant at the massacres of

September, and they beheld with horror on the benches of the convention

the men who had advised or ordered them. Above all others, two inspired

them with antipathy and disgust; Robespierre, whom they suspected of

aspiring to tyranny; and Marat, who from the commencement of the

revolution had in his writings constituted himself the apostle of murder.

They denounced Robespierre with more animosity than prudence; he was not

yet sufficiently formidable to incur the accusation of aspiring to the

dictatorship. His enemies by reproaching him with intentions then

improbable, and at all events incapable of proof, themselves augmented his

popularity and importance.

Robespierre, who played so terrible a part in our revolution, was

beginning to take a prominent position. Hitherto, despite his efforts, he

had had superiors in his own party: under the constituent assembly, its

famous leaders; under the legislative, Brissot and Petion; on the 10th of

August, Danton. At these different periods he had declared himself against

those whose renown or popularity offended him. Only able to distinguish

himself among the celebrated personages of the first assembly by the

singularity of his opinions, he had shown himself an exaggerated reformer;

during the second, he became a constitutionalist, because his rivals were

innovators, and he had talked in favour of peace to the Jacobins, because

his rivals advocated war. From the 10th of August he essayed in that club

to ruin the Girondists, and to supplant Danton, always associating the

cause of his vanity with that of the multitude. This man, of ordinary

talents and vain character, owed it to his inferiority to rank with the

last, a great advantage in times of revolution; and his conceit drove him

to aspire to the first rank, to do all to reach it, to dare all to

maintain himself there.

Robespierre had the qualifications for tyranny; a soul not great, it is

true, but not common; the advantage of one sole passion, the appearance of

patriotism, a deserved reputation for incorruptibility, an austere life,

and no aversion to the effusion of blood. He was a proof that amidst civil

troubles it is not mind but conduct that leads to political fortune, and

that persevering mediocrity is more powerful than wavering genius. It must

also be observed that Robespierre had the support of an immense and

fanatical sect, whose government he had solicited, and whose principles he

had defended since the close of the constituent assembly. This sect

derived its origin from the eighteenth century, certain opinions of which

it represented. In politics, its symbol was the absolute sovereignty of

the _Contrat social_ of J.J. Rousseau, and for creed, it held the deism of

_la Profession de foi du Vicaire Savoyard_; at a later period it succeeded

in realizing these for a moment in the constitution of '93, and the

worship of the Supreme Being. More fanaticism and system existed in the

different epochs of the revolution than is generally supposed.

Whether the Girondists distinctly foresaw the dominion of Robespierre, or

whether they suffered themselves to be carried away by their indignation,

they accused him, with republicans, of the most serious of crimes. Paris

was agitated by the spirit of faction; the Girondists wished to pass a law

against those who excited disorders and violence, and at the same time to

give the convention an independent force derived from the eighty-three

departments. They appointed a commission to present a report on this

subject. The Mountain attacked this measure as injurious to Paris; the

Gironde defended it, by pointing out the project of a triumvirate formed

by the deputation of Paris. "I was born in Paris," said Osselin; "I am

deputy for that town. It is announced that a party is formed in the very

heart of it, desiring a dictatorship, triumvirs, tribunes, etc. I declare

that extreme ignorance or profound wickedness alone could have conceived

such a project. Let the member of the deputation of Paris who has

conceived such an idea be anathematized!" "Yes," exclaimed Rebecqui of

Marseilles, "yes, there exists in this assembly a party which aspires at

the dictatorship, and I will name the leader of this party; Robespierre.

That is the man whom I denounce." Barbaroux supported this denunciation by

his evidence; he was one of the chief authors of the 10th of August; he

was the leader of the Marseillais, and he possessed immense influence in

the south. He stated that about the 10th of August, the Marseillais were

much courted by the two parties who divided the capital; he was brought to

Robespierre's, and there he was told to ally himself to those citizens who

had acquired most popularity, and that Paris expressly named to him,

_Robespierre, as the virtuous man who was to be dictator of France_.

Barbaroux was a man of action. There were some members of the Right who

thought with him, that they ought to conquer their adversaries, in order

to avoid being conquered by them. They wished, making use of the

convention against the commune, to oppose the departments to Paris, and

while they remained weak, by no means to spare enemies, to whom they would

otherwise be granting time to become stronger. But the greater number

dreaded a rupture, and trembled at the idea of energetic measures.

This accusation against Robespierre had no immediate consequences; but it

fell back on Marat, who had recommended a dictatorship, in his journal

"L'Ami du Peuple," and had extolled the massacres. When he ascended the

tribune to justify himself, the assembly shuddered. "_A bas! a bas_!"

resounded from all sides. Marat remained imperturbable. In a momentary

pause, he said: "I have a great number of personal enemies in this

assembly. (_Tous! tous!_) I beg of them to remember decorum; I exhort them

to abstain from all furious clamours and indecent threats against a man

who has served liberty and themselves more than they think. For once let

them learn to listen." And this man delivered in the midst of the

convention, astounded at his audacity and sangfroid, his views of the

proscriptions and of the dictatorship. For some time he had fled from

cellar to cellar to avoid public anger, and the warrants issued against

him. His sanguinary journal alone appeared; in it he demanded heads, and

prepared the multitude for the massacres of September. There is no folly

which may not enter a man's head, and what is worse, which may not be

realized for a moment. Marat was possessed by certain fixed ideas. The

revolution had enemies, and, in his opinion, it could not last unless

freed from them; from that moment he deemed nothing could be more simple

than to exterminate them, and appoint a dictator, whose functions should

be limited to proscribing; these two measures he proclaimed aloud, with a

cynical cruelty, having no more regard for propriety than for the lives of

men, and despising as weak minds all those who called his projects

atrocious, instead of considering them profound. The revolution had actors

really more sanguinary than he, but none exercised a more fatal influence

over his times. He depraved the morality of parties already sufficiently

corrupt; and he had the two leading ideas which the committee of public

safety subsequently realized by its commissioners or its government--

extermination in mass, and the dictatorship.

Marat's accusation was not attended with any results; he inspired more

disgust, but less hatred than Robespierre; some regarded him as a madman;

others considered these debates as the quarrels of parties, and not as an

object of interest for the republic. Moreover, it seemed dangerous to

attempt to purify the convention, or to dismiss one of its members, and it

was a difficult step to get over, even for parties. Danton did not

exonerate Marat. "I do not like him," said he; "I have had experience of

his temperament; it is volcanic, crabbed and unsociable. But why seek for

the language of a faction in what he writes? Has the general agitation any

other cause than that of the revolutionary movement itself?" Robespierre,

on his part, protested that he knew very little of Marat; that, previous

to the 10th of August, he had only had one conversation with him, after

which Marat, whose violent opinions he did not approve, had considered his

political views so narrow, that he had stated in his journal, _that he had

neither the higher views nor the daring of a statesman_.

But he was the object of much greater indignation because he was more

dreaded. The first accusation of Rebecqui and Barbaroux had not succeeded.

A short time afterwards, the Minister Roland made a report on the state of

France and Paris; in it he denounced the massacres of September, the

encroachments of the commune, and the proceedings of the agitators.

"When," said he, "they render the wisest and most intrepid defenders of

liberty odious or suspected, when principles of revolt and slaughter are

boldly professed and applauded in the assemblies, and clamours arise

against the convention itself, I can no longer doubt that partisans of the

ancient regime, or false friends of the people, concealing their

extravagance or wickedness under a mask of patriotism, have conceived the

plan of an overthrow in which they hope to raise themselves on ruins and

corpses, and gratify their thirst for blood, gold, and atrocity."

He cited, in proof of his report, a letter in which the vice-president of

the second section of the criminal tribunal informed him, that he and the

most distinguished Girondists were threatened; that, in the words of their

enemies, _another bleeding was wanted_; and that these men would hear of

no one but Robespierre.

At these words the latter hastened to the tribune to justify himself. "No

one," he cried, "dare accuse me to my face!" "I dare!" exclaimed Louvet,

one of the most determined men of the Gironde. "Yes, Robespierre," he

continued, fixing his eye upon him; "I accuse you!" Robespierre, hitherto

full of assurance, became moved. He had once before, at the Jacobins,

measured his strength with this formidable adversary, whom he knew to be

witty, impetuous, and uncompromising. Louvet now spoke, and in a most

eloquent address spared neither acts nor names. He traced the course of

Robespierre to the Jacobins, to the commune, to the electoral assembly:

"calumniating the best patriots; lavishing the basest flatteries on a few

hundred citizens, at first designated as the people of Paris, afterwards

as the people absolutely, and then as the sovereign; repeating the eternal

enumeration of his own merits, perfections, and virtues; and never

failing, after he had dwelt on the strength, grandeur, and sovereignty of

the people, to protest that he was the people too." He then described him

concealing himself on the 10th of August, and afterwards swaying the

conspirators of the commune. Then he came to the massacres of September,

and exclaimed: "The revolution of the 10th of August belongs to all!" he

added, pointing out a few of the members of the Mountain in the commune,

"but that of the 2nd of September, that belongs to them--and to none but

them! Have they not glorified themselves by it? They themselves, with

brutal contempt, only designated us as the patriots of the 10th of August.

With ferocious pride they called themselves the patriots of the 2nd of

September! Ah, let them retain this distinction worthy of the courage

peculiar to them; let them retain it as our justification, and for their

lasting shame! These pretended friends of the people wish to cast on the

people of Paris the horrors that stained the first week of September. They

have basely slandered them. The people of Paris can fight; they cannot

murder! It is true, they were assembled all the day long before the

chateau of the Tuileries on the glorious 10th of August; it is false that

they were seen before the prisons on the horrible 2nd of September. How

many executioners were there within? Two hundred; probably not two

hundred. And without, how many spectators could be reckoned drawn thither

by truly incomprehensible curiosity? At most, twice the number. But, it is

asked, why, if the people did not assist in these murders, did they not

hinder them? Why? Because Petion's tutelary authority was fettered;

because Roland spoke in vain; because Danton, the minister of justice, did

not speak at all,... because the presidents of the forty-eight sections

waited for orders which the general in command did not give; because

municipal officers, wearing their scarfs, presided at these atrocious

executions. But the legislative assembly? The legislative assembly!

representatives of the people, you will avenge it! The powerless state

into which your predecessors were reduced is, in the midst of such crimes,

the greatest for which these ruffians, whom I denounce, must be punished."

Returning to Robespierre, Louvet pointed out his ambition, his efforts,

his extreme ascendancy over the people, and terminated his fiery philippic

by a series of facts, each one of which was preceded by this terrible

form: "_Robespierre, I accuse thee!_"

Louvet descended from the tribune amidst applause, Robespierre mounted it

to justify himself; he was pale, and was received with murmurs. Either

from agitation or fear of prejudice, he asked for a week's delay. The time

arrived; he appeared less like one accused than as a triumpher; he

repelled with irony Louvet's reproaches, and entered into a long apology

for himself. It must be admitted that the facts were vague, and it

required little trouble to weaken or overturn them. Persons were placed in

the gallery to applaud him; even the convention itself, who regarded this

quarrel as the result of a private pique, and, as Barrere said, did not

fear _a man of a day, a petty leader of riots_, was disposed to close

these debates. Accordingly, when Robespierre observed, as he finished:

"For my part, I will draw no personal conclusions; I have given up the

easy advantage of replying to the calumnies of my adversaries by more

formidable denunciations; I wished to suppress the offensive part of my

justification. I renounce the just vengeance I have a right to pursue

against my calumniators; I ask for no other than the return of peace and

triumph of liberty!" he was applauded, and the convention passed to the

order of the day. Louvet in vain sought to reply; he was not allowed.

Barbaroux as vainly presented himself as accuser and Lanjuinais opposed

the motion for the order without obtaining the renewal of the discussion.

The Girondists themselves supported it: they committed one fault in

commencing the accusation, and another in not continuing it. The Mountain

carried the day, since they were not conquered, and Robespierre was

brought nearer the assumption of the part he had been so far removed from.

In times of revolution, men very soon become what they are supposed to be,

and the Mountain adopted him for their leader because the Girondists

pursued him as such.

But what was much more important than personal attacks, were the

discussions respecting the means of government, and the management of

authorities and parties. The Girondists struck, not only against

individuals but against the commune. Not one of their measures succeeded;

they were badly proposed or badly sustained. They should have supported

the government, replaced the municipality, maintained their post among the

Jacobins and swayed them, gained over the multitude, or prevented its

acting; and they did nothing of all this. One among them, Buzot, proposed

giving the convention a guard of three thousand men, taken from the

departments. This measure, which would at least have made the assembly

independent, was not supported with sufficient vigour to be adopted. Thus

the Girondists attacked the Mountain without weakening them, the commune

without subduing it, the Faubourgs without suppressing them. They

irritated Paris by invoking the aid of the departments, without procuring

it; thus acting in opposition to the most common rules of prudence, for it

is always safer to do a thing than to threaten to do it.

Their adversaries skilfully turned this circumstance to advantage. They

secretly circulated a report which could not but compromise the

Girondists; it was, that they wished to remove the republic to the south,

and give up the rest of the empire. Then commenced that reproach of

federalism, which afterwards became so fatal. The Girondists disdained it

because they did not see the consequences; but it necessarily gained

credit in proportion as they became weak and their enemies became daring.

What had given rise to the report was the project of defending themselves

behind the Loire, and removing the government to the south, if the north

should be invaded and Paris taken, and the predilection they manifested

for the provinces, and their indignation against the agitators of the

capital. Nothing is more easy than to change the appearance of a measure

by changing the period in which the measure was adopted, and discover in

the disapprobation expressed at the irregular acts of a city, an intention

to form the other cities of the state into a league against it.

Accordingly, the Girondists were pointed out to the multitude as

federalists. While they denounced the commune, and accused Robespierre and

Marat, the Mountain decreed _the unity and indivisibility of the

republic_. This was a way of attacking them and bringing them into

suspicion, although they themselves adhered so eagerly to these

propositions that they seemed to regret not having made them.

But a circumstance, apparently unconnected with the disputes of these two

parties, served still better the cause of the Mountain. Already emboldened

by the unsuccessful attempts which had been directed against them, they

only waited for an opportunity to become assailants in their turn. The

convention was fatigued by these long discussions. Those members who were

not interested in them, and even those of the two parties who were not in

the first rank, felt the need of concord, and wished to see men occupy

themselves with the republic. There was an apparent truce, and the

attention of the assembly was directed for a moment to the new

constitution, which the Mountain caused it to abandon, in order to decide

on the fate of the fallen prince. The leaders of the extreme Left were

driven to this course by several motives: they did not want the

Girondists, and the moderate members of the Plain, who directed the

committee of the constitution, the former by Petion, Condorcet, Brissot,

Vergniaud, Gensonne, the others by Barrere, Sieyes, and Thomas Paine, to

organize the republic. They would have established the system of the

bourgeoisie, rendering it a little more democratic than that of 1791,

while they themselves aspired at constituting the people. But they could

only accomplish their end by power, and they could only obtain power by

protracting the revolutionary state in France. Besides the necessity of

preventing the establishment of legal order by a terrible coup d'etat,

such as the condemnation of Louis XVI., which would arouse all passions,

rally round them the violent parties, by proving them to be the inflexible

guardians of the republic, they hoped to expose the sentiments of the

Girondists, who did not conceal their desire to save Louis XVI., and thus

ruin them in the estimation of the multitude. There were, without a doubt,

in this conjuncture, a great number of the Mountain, who, on this

occasion, acted with the greatest sincerity and only as republicans, in

whose eyes Louis XVI. appeared guilty with respect to the revolution; and

a dethroned king was dangerous to a young democracy. But this party would

have been more clement, had it not had to ruin the Gironde at the same

time with Louis XVI.

For some time past, the public mind had been prepared for his trial. The

Jacobin club resounded with invectives against him; the most injurious

reports were circulated against his character; his condemnation was

required for the firm establishment of liberty. The popular societies in

the departments addressed petitions to the convention with the same

object. The sections presented themselves at the bar of the assembly, and

they carried through it, on litters, the men wounded on the 10th of

August, who came to cry for vengeance on Louis Capet. They now only

designated Louis XVI. by this name of the ancient chief of his race,

thinking to substitute his title of king by his family name.

Party motives and popular animosities combined against this unfortunate

prince. Those who, two months before, would have repelled the idea of

exposing him to any other punishment than that of dethronement, were

stupefied; so quickly does man lose in moments of crisis the right to

defend his opinions! The discovery of the iron chest especially increased

the fanaticism of the multitude, and the weakness of the king's defenders.

After the 10th of August, there were found in the offices of the civil

list documents which proved the secret correspondence of Louis XVI. with

the discontented princes, with the emigration, and with Europe. In a

report, drawn up at the command of the legislative assembly, he was

accused of intending to betray the state and overthrow the revolution. He

was accused of having written, on the 16th April, 1791, to the bishop of

Clermo

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